How Tsikhanouskaya's visit to Kyiv was prepared and why it was postponed several times
It was expected that the Belarusian delegation would arrive in Kyiv even on Freedom Day.
Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya's delegation in Kyiv. To Sviatlana's left is her advisor Dzianis Kuchynski. Anatol Liabedzka, Pavel Latushka, and Artsiom Brukhan are walking behind. Here and further photos: Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya's press service
Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya's visit to Kyiv had been prepared for several months. Behind the scenes were coordinations and postponements. But the main thing is a political decision, which, according to members of the Belarusian delegation, was made in Kyiv last autumn: to talk about Belarus not with Alexander Lukashenka, but with democratic forces.
"If we want to see Belarus, we have Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya; she will come to Kyiv and we will talk," — this is how, according to Tsikhanouskaya's diplomacy advisor Dzianis Kuchynski, Ukraine formulates its position today.
The visit itself looked like an official visit of a top official. And this was felt in the details: from state security and motorcade to white-red-white flags at the station and the protocol level of reception. Kuchynski, who organized dozens of Tsikhanouskaya's international trips, says that the preparation by the Ukrainian Foreign Ministry was "at the highest level."
The visit, which was postponed several times
In the public space, various dates for Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya's possible arrival in Kyiv have been circulating in recent months, including March 25. Indeed, the date was coordinated for quite a long time, but, as asserted by the Office, not due to any political fluctuations or conflicts on the Ukrainian side; it was primarily about logistics and the presence of Volodymyr Zelenskyy in Kyiv.
According to Kuchynski, intensive preparations began after the January meeting between Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya and Volodymyr Zelenskyy in Vilnius. It was then that the invitation to Kyiv was received.
Initially, the date of February 24 was considered — before the anniversary of Russia's full-scale invasion. But at that moment, dozens of world leaders were arriving in Kyiv, and the Belarusian visit could simply dissolve into the general background. And that was not desired.
Later, March 25 — Freedom Day — was discussed. This date, says Kuchynski, was already proposed by the Ukrainian side as an important symbolic gesture. But it was never finally approved.
Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya's advisor on parliamentary cooperation, Anatol Liabedzka, explains simply: "There was no politics, nothing behind the scenes. We were told: 'We firmly guarantee you — everything will happen.' But Zelenskyy's schedule constantly changes due to the war."
As a result, the dates were finally agreed upon in the spring — after contacts with the Ukrainian Foreign Ministry and a conversation with the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine. For Kyiv, it was crucial that Zelenskyy be in Ukraine on these days and be able to personally meet with the Belarusian delegation.
"We could have come earlier without Zelenskyy. But that's not the same. Our beacon was Zelenskyy. Everything else depends on him," says Anatol Liabedzka.
Liabedzka, who has been visiting Ukraine since the Orange Revolution, recalls meetings with Yushchenko and Tymoshenko even before they came to power, speeches on the Maidan, and numerous contacts with the Ukrainian opposition in past years. But he emphasizes: previously, these were ties with those who "fought for Ukraine," and not those who represented the state.
How they explain the current reception
Tsikhanouskaya's Office believes that a deeper re-evaluation of attitudes towards Belarus has taken place in Kyiv.
Dzianis Kuchynski formulates it this way: in Ukraine, they have come to understand that "Lukashenka is a relic of an era" and "it makes no sense to have any dealings with him."
According to the Ukrainian authorities, he says, Lukashenka is completely dependent on Putin, provides Russia with territory and infrastructure, and is an accomplice in the aggression against Ukraine. Therefore, Kyiv wants to work not with the regime, but "with the Belarusian people and their representation."
What's next?
Dzianis Kuchynski says that the delegation went to Kyiv with a practical question: how Belarusians can be useful to Ukraine right now.
According to him, discussions in Kyiv include assistance to Ukraine from the Belarusian diaspora in Europe, support for Belarusian volunteers, joint initiatives, and closer coordination between the Ukrainian side and the democratic forces of Belarus.
"During a 30-minute meeting with Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya, Volodymyr Zelenskyy expressed admiration for Belarusian warriors fighting in Ukraine. We raised issues related to volunteers and their families, devoting much time to this. We submitted appeals from people to the President of Ukraine. Volodymyr Zelenskyy's initial reaction was positive; he made a note of the information, so we hope that progress will be made on this issue, resolving the complexities and rough edges that currently exist," Kuchynski noted.
According to him, the resolution of certain issues should occur through the creation of an interdepartmental group.
Anatol Liabedzka brought analytical materials on Belarus and proposals for joint projects to Ukrainian parliamentarians. Immediately after the visit, the Verkhovna Rada plans to hold a separate event on Ukraine's European integration experience and how it can be used for Belarus.
Separately, the delegation also counts on political outcomes.
Anatol Liabedzka openly states: Zelenskyy's support can become a "strong card" for Belarusian democratic forces in Europe. The Office hopes that after this visit, the positions of Tsikhanouskaya and her team will be strengthened in discussions with European partners — especially on issues of sanctions, isolation of Lukashenka's regime, and future international negotiations.
"If Zelenskyy is by our side — that's a completely different weight," — this is how the delegation virtually describes the main practical outcome of the visit.
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