How the film 'An Ordinary President' was made. Memories of Yuri Khashchavatsky

"An Ordinary President" is one of the most famous political films of modern Belarus, an example of successful political satire, which ironically tells how Alexander Lukashenka consolidated his power in the country.

What prompted the filming

[We started filming] back in 1995. White spots [on the pages of the independent press] began to appear, a smear campaign [against the opposition] started on television, Yuri Azarenok's vile film "Hatred. Children of Lies" appeared – you see, their whole family works against us.

And then I had an idea – a film should be answered with a film. We started working then. 'We' means me and [screenwriter] Lyonya Mindlin. We went to Pyotr Martsev [editor-in-chief of "Belaruskaya Delovaya Gazeta"], remember him? Unfortunately, he has already passed away. And we agreed that we would make this film.

Павялічыць

How materials for editing were collected

And then, during the work on the film, many people worked. Many brought materials, even cameramen from the television studio. Even the Ministry of Defense studio "Voenfilm" helped – they gave us footage of Lukashenka arriving in Maryina Horka to shoot a machine gun, and much more. [This person from "Voenfilm"] came and laughed: "Can you imagine, I made a copy for you and took all of this out. And the next day they gathered us and said that there is this Khashchavatsky who is going to make a bad film about our president. It's forbidden for any footage to escape from our studio." And he laughed, because everything he wanted had already been [taken out].

Vladimir Zamyatalin (at that time an employee of the presidential administration — "Budzma") called Sergey Gelbakh, a cameraman for the Russian TV channel ART, and began to inquire about Khashchavatsky. "Is he a creator or a destroyer?" – these were the kinds of questions they liked to ask. Sergey Pavlovich [Gelbakh] then replied: "It depends on who you ask. For you, he is indeed a terminator; it will be difficult for you."

About the fake conversation with Lukashenka

Problems started from then on. I understood that we wouldn't be given an interview [with Lukashenka]. But for that, we called Gennady Nikolayev, their own correspondent from Krasnoyarsk. He came [to Minsk], we sat all night with a bottle and taught him what questions he should ask. He asked these questions, everything worked out very well, Lukashenka told everything.

And about how he reviewed "500 Days" (the unadopted program for the USSR's transition from a planned economy to a market economy to overcome the economic crisis of 1990 — "Budzma"), and how he knows how to unite nations. He was just then beginning his campaign in the struggle for the Moscow throne, for the Kremlin. For him, it was very significant at that time; he had the opportunity to try to do it. And that's why he was interested in the opportunity to give interviews to journalists from Russian publications.

So he received Nikolayev and told him what you heard in the film. And when Gena was returning, sitting on the plane, Zamyatalin called him and said: "You know, we would like to clarify something. There are some things that shouldn't be shown, they need to be cut, that's all." And Gena replied: "I have already given this material to the director. I only have a copy." And he named my surname.

About Lukashenka's team's attempt to sabotage work on the film

And from that moment, they began to shut down everything they could. Many materials were hidden in safes, making them inaccessible.

But they thought we wouldn't get to them. But we did.

Because this scene, for example, where they tore down the red-and-white flag from the roof of the then president's [Lukashenka's] residence. Because today he is not president. Back then [in 1995], he was still the legitimate president.

Then they, [Ivan] Tsitsyankov (at that time the head of the presidential administration — "Budzma") and all that brotherhood, climbed onto the roof and tore down that flag. So, this material came to me before it appeared on television. And a piece of that flag with Tsitsyankov's signature was sold to me for 50 dollars. And I, fool, gave it to Martsev. And where it is now, I don't know.

Павялічыць

About the financing of the filming

I later learned that many people financed us.

[Influential businessman] Alexander Pupeyka — he financed the film through Pyotr Martsev. I found out about this later. Then Pupeyka had big problems, and he ended up in Warsaw. He moved there and, thank God, settled down. I wish him happiness and health; I hope he is doing well.

And then there was a trial; they demanded his deportation [to Belarus].

It got interesting. Imagine, I walk out of my house, a man approaches me and asks:

— Are you Yuri Khashchavatsky?

I say: "Yes".

— Are you making a film about Lukashenka?

I looked around: "Well, yes, why?", while thinking to myself that he was either going to hit me over the head or something interesting was about to happen.

— So, do you have any problems with the film right now? Why is it taking you so long to make?

— You know, problems have arisen now. Filming has become dangerous, walking [around Minsk] has become dangerous. Several times they tried to break into my studio. They tried to find it, they looked for it. We need to go somewhere else; the money issue is being resolved now.

And he says: "You know, we will help you with money." And he brought a significant sum and gave it to me, without any receipts, without anything.

Why the film didn't help remove Lukashenka from power

People helped, people saw the danger that awaited us all. But there weren't enough of those people, unfortunately. We didn't succeed then. Many mistakes were made. And many of our leaders at that time [in politics] were weak. Because at the moment when it was necessary to stand firm, to pursue impeachment, in 1996, when it was possible, it was, unfortunately, abandoned. Many lacked the fervor. Many thought it better to stay out of it.

Many believed "my house is on the edge, I know nothing," not knowing that it's often the houses on the edge that are set on fire first. That's why many of these people later ended up in prisons or on the run.

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