In the early 2000s, three history teachers fled to Ukraine from the "genocide of the Belarusian people" committed by Lukashenka's regime. What was their fate?
In the summer of 2002, three young Belarusians sought political asylum in Kyiv. They were not well-known opposition figures, but ordinary history teachers from Gomel who claimed they were persecuted at home for criticizing Alexander Lukashenka and even poisoned with psychotropic substances. Who were they? And what are they doing now in Belarus?
Refugees in a tent camp of striking miners in Kyiv. 2002. Screenshot from "1+1" (TSN) TV channel video.
The Escape of the "Dissidents"
The teachers' journey began in July 2002. On July 15, they illegally crossed the Belarusian-Ukrainian border near the village of Hrebinka, Chernihiv Oblast (we could not find such a village), bypassing checkpoints. By July 22, the trio reached Kyiv. And here their active media work began.
In the capital of Ukraine, they behaved not so much as refugees, but as political activists. Instead of immediately contacting the migration service and officially requesting refugee status within 3-5 days, as Ukrainian law required, they went to embassies and media outlets.
They visited the diplomatic missions of the USA, Great Britain, the Netherlands, and even reached the Administration of Ukrainian President Leonid Kuchma and the office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees.
According to the refugees themselves, the reason they did not legalize their status was allegedly a requirement to renounce Belarusian citizenship to obtain political asylum in Ukraine, which they did not want to do.
The refugee committee provided them with symbolic assistance — 52 hryvnias each, which quickly ran out.
Sergei Kornev and Vladimir Bukhanov in Kyiv. 2002. Screenshot from "1+1" (TSN) TV channel video.
Without money or a roof over their heads, the teachers found an unexpected refuge on Trukhaniv Island in the middle of the Dnieper in Kyiv. A tent camp of striking miners, demanding payment of wage arrears, was located there.
The scene was surreal: Ukrainian miners shared their meager provisions and tent space with Belarusian dissidents. The teachers themselves said that they breathed more freely in Ukraine and that people here were kinder.
Vladimir Bukhanov in Kyiv. 2002. Screenshot from "1+1" (TSN) TV channel video.
In a report by the "1+1" (TSN) TV channel, one of the teachers, Vladimir Bukhanov, made a loud statement about the "genocide of the Belarusian people," linking it to the aftermath of the 2001 presidential elections.
Recall that those elections took place on September 9, 2001, and officially ended with Alexander Lukashenka's victory with 75.65% of the vote, which provoked opposition protests and non-recognition of the results by Western countries.
Ukrainian journalists suspected that the media activity of the Belarusian teachers was their insurance. While they had no evidence of real persecution before their departure, after public accusations against Lukashenka on Ukrainian TV, returning home indeed became dangerous. And according to international norms, a country cannot deport a person to a place where they face danger. Thus, they were creating a "political biography" for themselves in the media.
Some speculated that these refugees were actually provocateurs, planted in Ukraine by Belarusian authorities to sow discord between the true Belarusian opposition and Ukrainian authorities and to portray Ukraine in a bad light among civil society, as a country where Belarusian refugees supposedly cannot find refuge.
Tsar, Orthodoxy, and Conspiracy Theories
The more journalists spoke with the refugees, the more strange details emerged. It turned out that their opposition had a very specific character, far removed from classical democratic values.
They called themselves representatives of the "opposition people's movement of Belarus," but at the same time harshly criticized the traditional Belarusian opposition, calling it "colonial," "pro-Lukashenka," and "grant-grabbing."
They considered themselves the only true fighters, as they "do not belong to the pro-Western opposition," and Western values are "alien" to them.
'Call to the Belarusian People' demanded the election of an 'Emperor and Autocrat of all Rus'' instead of Lukashenka. Screenshot from "1+1" (TSN) TV channel video.
Photocopies with images of Orthodox icons and a portrait of Nicholas II in the folder of documents of Belarusian teachers. Screenshot from "1+1" (TSN) TV channel video.
One of their programmatic documents, the 'Call to the Belarusian People,' appeared in the report. The terminology itself revealed their views: the country was consistently referred to in the Soviet manner as 'Belorussiya,' which was a marker of pro-Russian orientation.
The document's content was a mixture of Orthodox fundamentalism and monarchism. The authors declared Lukashenka's rule illegal since July 20, 1999 (the end of his first presidential term according to the 1994 Constitution), but proposed a very original solution.
Instead of presidential elections, they demanded multi-stage elections in which only "Orthodox representatives" could participate. The ultimate goal of this process was to elect an "Emperor and Autocrat of all Rus'," to whom the full secular and spiritual authority would be transferred.
The list of their addressees was impressive in its scale and diversity. They wrote letters not only to George Bush, accusing Lukashenka of involvement in the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks, but also to Patriarch Alexy II, the Pope, and to the KGB of Belarus and the FSB of Russia.
In their appeals to the special services, they exposed the "resident role" of the Belarusian president and the activities of "secret world forces." Besides politics, there were also mystical complaints: the teachers claimed that at home they were subjected to "psychotropic and nerve-paralytic influence," from which their neighbors allegedly even died.
Teachers with a Religious Bias
In Belarus, the news of the refugees caused genuine surprise both in official circles and among their former colleagues and relatives. Journalists from "Belarusian Business Newspaper" and the Belarusian service of "Radio Svaboda" tried to find out more about the dissidents.
Vladimir Bukhanov and Svyatoslav Shapovalov in Kyiv. 2002. Screenshot from "1+1" (TSN) TV channel video.
It turned out they were indeed history teachers. Sergei Kornev worked as a history teacher at Gomel Secondary School No. 14. The school director, Tamara Kumasinskaya, characterized him as a good specialist and a responsible person whom children loved, but also noted that he kept to himself within the staff. The school management also noticed his fascination with religious teachings.
Svyatoslav Shapovalov in Kyiv. 2002. Screenshot from "1+1" (TSN) TV channel video.
Svyatoslav Shapovalov had not worked at Gomel Secondary School No. 20 for two years at the time of the escape. Colleagues remembered him as a competent historian and an intelligent person, whose forte was also religious matters. He allegedly resigned to enroll in a university in Moscow, although he told Ukrainian journalists that it was his protest against the education system.
Vladimir Bukhanov had the shortest teaching experience: he worked at the Belarusian-Slavic Gymnasium in Gomel for only two months in 2000, after which he resigned, which former colleagues simply explained as "not getting along."
Opposition parties, youth movements, and human rights organizations had never heard of such opponents of the regime.
The relatives of the refugees, whom journalists contacted, were in shock. Sergei Kornev's father said that his son went to Ukraine "on vacation with friends, like every year," and had not informed them of any persecution. And his mother, when fragments of the statement about psychotropic influence and deaths among neighbors were read to her, simply laughed into the phone, calling it nonsense.
In turn, the state press, particularly the newspaper "SB. Belarus Today," reacted sharply. In an article titled "Prisoners of Conscience" or "Sausage" Emigration Ascetics," the teachers were called "banal adventurers" trying to pose as prisoners of conscience to travel to the West, and this case was dubbed the "flourishing of political business." The Ministry of Foreign Affairs, represented by press secretary Pavel Latushko, stated that it was closely monitoring the situation.
Gomel law enforcement agencies confirmed that one of the teachers, Sergei Kornev, was indeed summoned to the prosecutor's office for a conversation about his brochures, but no elements of a crime were found in his actions, and no criminal cases were initiated against the teachers.
Ukrainian migration services denied the Belarusians refugee status, citing a violation of procedure and illegal border crossing. They faced deportation to Belarus, where, after what they had said in Ukraine, they were threatened with persecution. It is unknown when and under what conditions these refugees returned to Belarus, but according to some media, they were allegedly saved from prison by UN representatives at that time.
Where are they now?
The last mentions of the story of the three refugee teachers date back to 2005, after which some of them almost disappear from the media field, while others choose opposite paths of struggle against Lukashenka's regime.
Least is known about Vladimir Bukhanov, who in 2002 appeared to be the ideological leader of the refugee teachers. He literally disappeared from the public sphere. The only thing that can be noted is that an account with that name and a Russian imperial flag on its cover actively commented on independent media news on Facebook after 2020.
Vladimir Bukhanov's profile on Facebook. Website screenshot.
Vladimir Bukhanov's comment under the news about the third day of protests in Belarus in August 2020. Website screenshot.
Vladimir Bukhanov's comment under the news about a series of drawings in the style of traditional Belarusian embroidery pattern featuring images of protesters, OMON, and Lukashenka. Website screenshot.
Under posts about Belarusian protests, he left aggressive comments whose rhetoric fully coincided with state propaganda:
- About protesters: «So Belarusians might end up like impoverished Ukraine! You wanted freedom, well, then you'll be left without pants, and emigrants will flock to Poland and Russia, if they're allowed, sad! But they're having fun, then jump around, maybe it'll ease up!»
- About the white-red-white symbolism: «Put pressure on Trump yourselves! And don't interfere with Belarusians!»
- About the brutality of security forces: «What, don't you have OMON in your countries? And in France or Germany, it's even worse, isn't it! Stop terrorizing the electorate!»
- About national symbols: «In Ukraine, they also started with vyshyvanka, and how did that end!»
From Pro-Russian Religious Figures to Pro-Belarusian Ones
Svyatoslav Shapovalov's fate turned out differently — he is the only one of the trio who, after returning to Belarus, became involved in the activities of the real, not imagined, opposition.
Svyatoslav Shapovalov in Kyiv in 2002. Screenshot from "1+1" (TSN) TV channel video.
While in 2002 he and his associates dreamed of an "Emperor of all Rus'," by the late 2000s, his name regularly appeared on media pages as an activist of the Belarusian Christian Democracy (BCD).
His biography during this time is classic for an opposition figure. In 2008, he received 10 days of arrest for participating in an excursion dedicated to the 90th anniversary of the Belarusian People's Republic. At that time, a group of Gomel activists marched through the city with white-red-white balloons.
Svyatoslav Shapovalov (left) carries a copy of the miraculous icon of the Mother of God "The Inexhaustible Cup," which arrived at the Yurovichi Monastery. 2024. Photo: Website of the Turov Diocese.
In 2010, Shapovalov tried his hand at politics, running for deputy of the Gomel Regional Council. Like other opposition candidates, he faced pressure: the state printing house refused to print his campaign stickers, and private printing companies reported an order from above not to cooperate with the opposition.
Besides politics, Shapovalov continued to engage in history, but now in the context of Belarusian culture. He spoke at various events, commented for the media on projects related to Gomel's historical heritage, such as the creation of graffiti in honor of architect Stanislav Shabunevsky, repressed by Soviet power.
Svyatoslav Shapovalov (left) at a service in the cathedral of the Yurovichi Monastery. 2023. Photo: Monastery website.
Svyatoslav Shapovalov (second from right) carries a cross in the Easter procession after a service where prayers were offered for peace on Ukrainian soil and for reconciliation and mutual forgiveness of fraternal peoples. Yurovichi Monastery. 2023. Photo: Monastery website.
The last mentions of Shapovalov's activity date back to the early 2010s. Later, his name disappears from the public sphere. It is known that in recent years he has served in the Orthodox Cathedral of the Nativity of the Blessed Virgin Mary of the Yurovichi Monastery, which is being restored from ruins near Mozyr.
Educator of Patriotism, Awaiting Russia to Topple Lukashenka
Sergei Kornev in Kyiv in 2002. Screenshot from "1+1" (TSN) TV channel video.
Perhaps the most striking figure in this trio is Sergei Kornev. In 2019, his name resurfaces — in the list of employees of Gomel School No. 11, first as a history teacher, and from 2021, also as the head of military-patriotic education.
Today, Kornev is a frequent subject of publications in local and even republican state media. He acts as an expert and experienced educator who teaches children "love for the Motherland" and "preservation of historical memory."
Sergei Kornev with a schoolgirl from Gomel Secondary School No. 11, who decided to participate in a conference dedicated to the Great Patriotic War. 2024. Photo: Gomelskiye Vedomosti.
Sergei Kornev at a lecturers' competition dedicated to the 80th anniversary of the liberation of Belarus from the Nazis. 2024. Photo: Gomelskiye Vedomosti.
Sergei Kornev gives a lecture on the topic "Ola - Khatyn's sister." Photo: BelTA.
Outwardly, he presents the image of an ideal state patriot: he teaches children to love the Motherland, conducts memory lessons, and honors veterans.
However, if one looks at the 62-year-old teacher's page on "VKontakte," an abyss opens up, mixing aggressive Russian imperialism, hatred for Belarusian statehood, and chipization conspiracy theories.
Sergei Kornev in the election commission at a polling station opened in his school. 2024. Photo: Gomelskiye Vedomosti.
Photo: Gomelskiye Vedomosti.
In his posts, the teacher did not mince words regarding Lukashenka — Kornev lamented that he "chattered away the idea of unity of two fraternal peoples" and called on Russia to take active measures against the Belarusian authorities: «It's high time Russia started an operation to force the Toughest One to integrate!»
Kornev dreamed of a referendum on the unification of Russia and Belarus into a single state and welcomed any pressure from Moscow on Minsk.
Another favorite topic of Kornev's concerns chipization and the digital concentration camp. He believes in a conspiracy of global elites who, through ultrasound, vaccinations, and biometric passports, place the "mark of the beast" on people. He even sent Lukashenka a letter demanding he be issued a passport without an identification number.
The geopolitical views of the Gomel educator represent a mixture of aggressive militarism and esotericism. He actively supported the annexation of Crimea, the war in Donbas, and Russia's invasion of Ukraine. In 2022, he admired Marshal Konev's tactic of creating "kettles" and projected it onto the actions of the Russian army against "Bandera's degenerates."
For him, the West is "EuroSodom" and "American Reich," which must be destroyed. "World War III has been going on for a long time," he claimed, suggesting Russia declare a full-scale war on Turkey, dividing its territory and transferring Constantinople to Orthodox believers.
His worldview includes "Black Aristocracy," "Jew-Masons," "reptilians," and "Great Teachers of Humanity," with whom he, apparently, is in mental contact through reading channelings.
Sergei Kornev with students from Secondary School No. 11 in Gomel. Photo: School website.
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