“We made mistakes together, and together we are obliged to admit them.” Text of Marco Rubio's speech at the Munich Conference

Marco Rubio speaks at the 62nd Munich Security Conference on February 14, 2026. Photo: AP Photo/Alex Brandon, Pool

We are gathered today as members of a historic alliance that has preserved and changed the world.

When this conference was first held in 1963, it took place in a divided country; in fact, the entire continent was divided. The line between communism and freedom ran through the heart of Germany.

Communism was then on the march. Thousands of years of Western civilization hung by a thread. And victory was far from obvious. But we were driven by common goals. We were united not only by what we fought against. We were united by what we fought for. And together — Europe and America — we prevailed.

The continent was rebuilt, and our people prospered. And when the Western and Eastern blocs united, civilization became whole again. That infamous wall was destroyed, and with it, the empire of evil.

But the euphoria of this triumph led us to the dangerous delusion that we had entered the "end of history," that every nation would now be a liberal democracy, that trade ties alone would replace statehood. That the rules-based global order — a faded term today — would supersede national interests. And that we would live in a world without borders, where everyone would be a citizen of the world.

This was a foolish idea that ignored both human nature and the lessons of five thousand years of history. And it cost us dearly.

In this delusion, we embraced a dogmatic vision of free and unhindered trade, even as some nations protected their economies and subsidized their companies to systematically undermine ours, closing our factories, leading to the deindustrialization of large parts of our societies [...] and handing control over critical supply chains to our adversaries.

We increasingly ceded our sovereignty to international organizations; many invested in welfare to the detriment of their ability to defend themselves, while other countries invested in rapid military deployment and did not hesitate to use brute force in pursuit of their own interests.

In deference to the "climate cult," we subjected ourselves to energy policies that impoverished our people, while our competitors exploited oil, coal, and natural gas not only to strengthen their economies but also to use it against us.

And in pursuit of a "world without borders," we opened the doors to unprecedented mass migration that threatens the cohesion of our societies, the continuity of culture, and the future of our peoples.

We made these mistakes together. And now, together, we are obliged to acknowledge these facts to move forward. [...]

And while we are prepared to do it alone if necessary, we prefer and hope to do it together with you, our friends here in Europe.

Europe and the United States belong to a single whole. [...] We are bound to each other by the deepest ties that can exist between nations, cemented by centuries of common history, Christian faith, culture, heritage, language, and the sacrifices of ancestors.

Therefore, we Americans can sometimes be direct and a bit persistent in our advice. [...] The reason is that we care. We deeply care about your and our future.

And when we disagree, these disagreements stem from a deep sense of concern for the Europe that binds us — spiritually and culturally.

We want Europe to be strong. We believe that Europe must survive, because the two great wars of the last century serve as a constant reminder that ultimately our destiny will always be inextricably intertwined with yours.

National security is not simply a series of technical questions like "how much do we spend on defense, where and what do we deploy?" These are important questions. But not fundamental ones.

The fundamental question is what exactly we are defending. Because armies do not fight for abstractions. They fight for people, for nations, for a way of life. And we defend a great civilization, confident in its future, which will always be the master of its economy and political destiny.

The seeds of freedom that changed the world were sown here in Europe. Here the world was given the rule of law. Universities. The Scientific Revolution.

On this continent were born the geniuses Mozart and Beethoven, Dante and Shakespeare, Michelangelo and da Vinci, "The Beatles" and "The Rolling Stones." This is a place where the ceilings of the Sistine Chapel and the spires of Cologne Cathedral testify not only to the grandeur of our past but also overshadow the wonders that await us in the future.

Deindustrialization was not inevitable; it was a conscious political choice: decades that stripped nations of their wealth, manufacturing capabilities, and independence. The loss of supply chains was foolish. A foolish voluntary transformation of our economies that made us dependent on others and dangerously vulnerable during crises.

Mass migration is not a marginal concern without consequences. It was and remains a crisis that reshapes and destabilizes Western societies.

Control over whom and how many we admit is not a manifestation of xenophobia. It is not hatred. It is a fundamental act of national sovereignty. And the inability to do so is not only an abdication of one of our basic duties to our people. It is an immediate threat to the order of our societies and civilization.

And finally, we can no longer place the so-called "world order" above the interests of our people and nations.

We do not need to abandon the system of international cooperation we authored. Nor do we need to dismantle the global institutions of the old world order that we built together. But it must be reformed and rebuilt.

For example, the UN has played virtually no role in the most important issues. It failed to resolve the war in Gaza. It failed to resolve the war in Ukraine. American leadership was needed simply to bring both sides to the table in search of peace, which still eludes us. The UN was powerless in curbing the nuclear program of radical Shiite clerics in Iran. The UN failed to eliminate the threat to our security from the narcoterrorist dictator in Venezuela.

In an ideal world, these issues would be resolved diplomatically, but we do not live in an ideal world. And we cannot allow those who openly threaten our citizens and global stability to hide behind the abstractions of international law, which they themselves constantly violate. [...]

We do not want our allies to be weak, because that makes us weak. We want allies who can defend themselves, so that no adversary attempts to test our collective strength.

We in America have no interest in being polite and decent guardians of Western decline.

We want our alliances not to be paralyzed by fears — fears of climate change, war, technology. Our only fear is the fear of shame if our nations are not proud, strong, and prosperous for our children.

[We want] alliances ready to defend our people, protect our interests, and ensure freedom of action that allows us to write our own destiny, not the destiny of a global state burdened with the sins of previous generations.

Alliances that will not politely pretend that our way of life is just one of many, and ask permission before acting.

So in an era of headlines heralding the end of the Transatlantic age, let it be clear to all that this is NOT our goal and NOT our desire. For us Americans, home may be the Western Hemisphere, but we will always be children of Europe.

Our history began with an Italian explorer whose journey into the great unknown to discover the New World brought Christianity to America and became the legend that defined the imagination of our nation's pioneers.

Our first settlements were built by English settlers, to whom we owe not only our language but also our entire political and legal system.

Our frontiers were shaped by the Scots-Irish — that proud, hardened clan from the hills of Ulster, who gave us Davy Crockett, Mark Twain, Teddy Roosevelt, Neil Armstrong.

Our great Midwestern lands were built by German farmers and artisans who transformed empty prairies into a global agricultural powerhouse. And, by the way, they greatly elevated the quality of American beer.

Our expansion followed in the footsteps of French fur traders, whose names still adorn street and city names throughout the Mississippi Valley.

Our horses, our ranches, our rodeos — all the romance of cowboy archetypes that became synonymous with the American West, were born in Spain.

Our largest and most magnificent city was called New Amsterdam before it was renamed New York.

And in the year my country was founded, Lorenzo and Catalina Geroldi lived in the city of Casale Monferrato in the Kingdom of Piedmont and Sardinia. And José and Manuela Reina lived in Seville, Spain. I have no idea if they knew anything about the 13 colonies gaining independence from the British Empire, but here's what I'm sure of: they could never have imagined that 250 years later, one of their direct descendants would be speaking here as the chief diplomat of the nation of their successors. And so here I am, as a reminder that my own history and our histories and destinies will always be linked.

Together we rebuilt a fragmented continent after two world wars. When we were again divided by the "Iron Curtain," the free West extended its arm to brave dissidents fighting tyranny in the east to defeat Soviet communism. We fought each other, reconciled, fought again, reconciled again. And died shoulder to shoulder on battlefields from Kapyong to Kandahar.

And today I want to make it clear: America is paving the way to a new century of prosperity, and we want to do it with you — our valued allies and old friends.

We should be proud of what we achieved in the last century. But now we must confront the challenges of a new century. Because yesterday is over. The future is inevitable. And our destiny awaits. Thank you.

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