Who is Dzmitry Skindzerau, who declared war on Tsikhanouskaya? Cooperation with GUBOP, debts in Belarus, debts in Lithuania

Dzmitry Skindzerau. Photo: Dzmitry Kazlou, Facebook

Portrait No. 1. In his own words

In the first part of this essay, we will describe the scale of Dzmitry Skindzerau's figure (and his achievements) solely from his own words. However, it should be understood that almost everything he said is a lie.

47-year-old Dzmitry Skindzerau, a native of the village of Arlova, Vitsebsk district, never talks about his early years. He traces his life's beginning from the age of 27, when, according to him, he became a major Vitsebsk entrepreneur.

Skindzerau describes himself as a man from the provinces who — emphatically — was self-made, expanding without state support or connections. And he would have continued to develop quietly if he hadn't become a victim of cronyism and corruption.

Skindzerau says his first business was selling flowers. Then he created an advertising company ("one of the largest in Vitsebsk"). He moved into real estate and development, owned "one of the largest gas stations in Belarus," opened a bio-fertilizer production ("no analogues in the republic") and a metal rolling business ("one of the largest companies in Belarus"), "the best restaurant in Vitsebsk," and made the main project of his life the reconstruction of the former "House of Everyday Life" into "the most modern shopping center in Vitsebsk," Metro Park, which he bought from other investors after almost 10 years of negotiations.

In total, he has been in business for over 20 years, opened about ten enterprises, and created hundreds of jobs. He organized MMA tournaments in Vitsebsk ("opened the only club in Vitsebsk"), bringing in fighters from abroad ("all with personal sponsorship"), and restored Soviet-era monuments. "One of Vitsebsk's largest taxpayers," Skindzerau calls himself.

The Vitsebsk entrepreneur first appeared in public in the spring of 2020. He proactively approached Siarhei Tsikhanouski, who was then traveling the country collecting people's stories. Skindzerau paid for Tsikhanouski's gasoline from Homel to Vitsebsk to tell his story on air.

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Dzmitry Skindzerau and Siarhei Tsikhanouski in 2020. Screenshot from video

The story was about how he, a famous Vitsebsk businessman, for years could not achieve justice in court — allegedly, his former business partner, Oleg Pakhomenka (Skindzerau omits that he himself had been imprisoned before), who was previously convicted, through document fraud, bankrupted their joint firm and kept the money for himself.

Skindzerau even claimed that Tsikhanouski "persuaded him to run for president with guaranteed informational support." But he modestly refused.

Skindzerau recorded several videos independently as well.

In his criticism of officials, Skindzerau emphasized that he had nothing against institutions, but only against certain individuals seemingly responsible for his failures in court — namely, the prosecutor of Vitsebsk, the head of the KGB in Vitsebsk, and the head of the legal department of Lukashenka's Administration.

By doing so, he drew fire upon himself, and, he claims, they decided to set him up (who exactly — is unknown), as if he were an opposition figure.

Unknown individuals allegedly arrived at his place in Russian-registered cars and offered him a million dollars to carry out a coup in the republic. Skindzerau did not take the money but informed Tsikhanouski, who laughed at the offer. But, if you remember, after his arrest, propaganda claimed that a million dollars was also found in his sofa. According to Skindzerau, these could have been the same people.

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Siarhei Tsikhanouski in 2020. Photo: Nasha Niva

After Tsikhanouski's imprisonment, Skindzerau began calling himself his friend. On the day the Tsikhanouskaya-Kalesnikava-Tsepkala trio arrived in Vitsebsk, Skindzerau invited them to his restaurant and presented flowers, inviting Tsikhanouskaya to stay overnight at his house. After this, he claims, he began to have additional problems with security forces, who started "squeezing his business."

At the same time, he did not deny Tsikhanouskaya attention, and even "advised her on how to conduct herself on stage."

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Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya after submitting documents to the Central Election Commission, May 2020. Photo: Nasha Niva

Skindzerau did not participate in the protests. But he attended and spoke at post-election roundtables organized by the authorities.

At that time, Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya, deported from Belarus, began organizing political struggle from Vilnius.

"Sviatlana called me, saying: 'Come, Dzima, help.' I said, Sviatlana, if you need any help, call. She called me when I was in Belarus. Then she started telling me terrible things and saying: 'Come, come, come.' I went there directly at her request," Skindzerau described the prerequisites for his departure from Belarus.

Concurrently, Skindzerau claims, the KGB was collecting materials on him and preparing for his arrest. Therefore, he made a cunning move: he spent the New Year holidays at home, because, he says, security forces don't work on weekends, and flew abroad on January 7, 2021.

"And on January 8, they [the authorities] were desperate [looking for me]: 'Dzima, we need to meet for coffee,' 'He left on the 7th, and on the 8th, all of Vitsebsk was looking for him'," he described the circumstances of his departure.

"I came to the headquarters at Tsikhanouskaya's request," Skindzerau repeats.

In emigration, Skindzerau, according to him, "began to set up the work of Tsikhanouskaya's Office. And along with this, he financially supported 'Radio 97'."

But then nuances began.

At Tsikhanouskaya's headquarters, according to Skindzerau, he met many people he didn't understand, whom he generalized with the words "children" and "professional grant-eaters."

His own ideas were allegedly blocked by Franak Viačorka and Aliaksandr Dabravolski, as well as other people around Tsikhanouskaya, who would have been glad to listen to Skindzerau, were it not for the influence of her advisors.

Skindzerau's managerial abilities ultimately weren't needed, and he himself left the provisional headquarters, threw in the towel, and occupied himself with what he could do in any country — making money. He opened companies in Lithuania and Poland.

But his resentment towards Tsikhanouskaya remained, because, allegedly at her will, he found himself in exile, lost everything in Belarus, and cannot see his family, while his nephew became a bargaining chip in political games and was imprisoned in Belarus to put pressure on Skindzerau abroad.

Therefore, according to him, "parallel to doing business in the EU," Skindzerau became active in the Forum of Democratic Forces — an organization of Tsikhanouskaya's critics, which gathered Volha Karač, Anatol Kotau, whose traces would vanish on a yacht in Turkish Trabzon, Dzmitry Balkunets, Valery Tsepkalo.

Skindzerau presented himself as a "patron" and "friend of Siarhei Tsikhanouski."

Skindzerau sought money from European funds — for the creation of "the only truly independent media," which would consider the entire spectrum of political opinions.

"I found out when I myself tried to get funding... to create a truly independent media, to allow all sides to defend their positions: both Lukashenka supporters and us, the 'BChB' supporters. This turned out to be a big problem. Getting money turned out to be a big problem," he complained at one of the roundtables of the "Forum of Democratic Forces."

Ultimately, everything boiled down to infrequent interviews with his comrades, in which Skindzerau disputed Tsikhanouskaya's legitimacy. The man was starting to be forgotten.

But in recent months, Skindzerau sharply intensified his activities.

"Scarecrow, when are we going home? I am Belarusian. I am wanted by Interpol, I have 12 criminal cases. When are we going home? How much money have you laundered? What's your share? Now I'm going to punch you," he attacked Tsikhanouskaya's advisor Dzyanis Kuchynski in a Vilnius cafe on January 26, 2026. Filming everything on video.

The video became a find for Minsk propaganda. Two days later, Skindzerau started a TikTok account, where he began publishing videos complimentary to Lukashenka and insulting to the opposition, with loud headlines.

"You're scum," "Dictatorship," "Blue fingers," "Traitors" — headlines not about whom you might think, but about Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya.

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Dzmitry Skindzerau's stream at the end of January 2026 was forcibly published by hundreds of state media and channels. He is called "Tsikhanouski's wallet," although there are no facts to support this. Screenshot from the Telegram channel "Yellow Plums," whose post was reposted by other official resources

Today, Skindzerau's main theses, which he repeats — most recently in a stream with Siarhei Piatrukhin — are as follows:

— The opposition laundered $380 million — "I have information — I spoke with people, and only 10-15% went to the needs of Belarusians";

— Lukashenka has support inside Belarus, while Tsikhanouskaya has no support even among migrants.

— Tsikhanouskaya was recruited by the KGB. Her current close circle came to her in 2020 after a command from the special services ("I can tell you about every person from the headquarters, they are systemic employees of the special bodies of Belarus").

— Lukashenka "will not talk to separatists," so Tsikhanouskaya must be expelled from Europe and a new leader chosen.

— Tsikhanouskaya must be expelled through pressure and mass demonstrations of Belarusians in Europe, and if anyone sees her or people from her team, they should at least "splash them with a glass."

Skindzerau even claims that "it's not Lukashenka who puts us [Belarusians] in prison, but Tsikhanouskaya."

Skindzerau also wrote several appeals to the Polish and Lithuanian prosecutors' offices with a request to check the legality of the New Belarus passport.

In March, the man also started a Telegram channel where he plans to "cover world political news, share his opinion on events, and talk about the activities of Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya's Office."

He also attended the meeting of the last group of deported political prisoners in Vilnius, during which he obtrusively clung to Dzyanis Kuchynski and, on camera, accused the opposition according to the theses listed above. After the police were called for the provocateur, Skindzerau disappeared without waiting for their arrival or for the released political prisoners themselves.

Portrait No. 2. Fact-checking

Dzmitry Skindzerau says: "I," "Me," "Mine," "My," but never talks about the sources of his supposedly existing capital, nor about his family. And that's unfair.

Dzmitry Skindzerau was born into the family of Leanid and Natallia Skindzerau.

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Leanid and Natallia Skindzerau

Natallia Skindzerau worked at the Vitsebsk Regional Center for Hygiene and Epidemiology until 2016, and then took over administrative affairs in her husband's companies.

Skindzerau's father, on the other hand, is a truly extraordinary person. He has a workshop in the basement of his house where he repairs and assembles equipment. He converted an old "Ikarus" bus into a mobile cafe, restored a KrAZ truck, and assembled a tractor.

Although he is already in his eighties, he, at least until recently, cultivated 35 acres of land, kept pigs, chickens, geese, goats. Even a donkey!

In addition, Leanid Skindzerau is a patriot of the Soviet heritage — he restores sculptures from his childhood and erects memorials at World War II battle sites.

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Leanid Skindzerau with a tractor he assembled himself. Photo: vivesti.by

Leanid began working as an excavator operator at "Vityaz" during Soviet times, and rose to become the chief engineer of a greenhouse complex. In 1994, he left state employment, sold a "Zhiguli" car in Poland, and began engaging in commerce: reselling, assembling, finishing something. Since 1994, he has had an individual entrepreneurship, with the activity type being equipment rental.

Leanid's son, Dzmitry Skindzerau, although he grew up with an entrepreneurial father, chose a different path.

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Dzmitry Skindzerau with his mother in France, 2025

"In the 90s, half of the village of Arlova went into crime. Dzimka didn't want to be left behind. He had a neighbor, Vadim Kyrnyala — a boxer. Dzima wanted to be like him, he pushed himself everywhere, and eventually got what he asked for — he was imprisoned. But Kyrnyala wasn't imprisoned, Kyrnyala went to France," a person informed about Dzmitry Skindzerau's youth told "Nasha Niva."

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Vadim Kyrnyala in his youth, far right. Second from left Aliaksei Ihnashou. Photo: Facebook

Dzmitry Skindzerau explains that he "was imprisoned for nothing," when operatives demanded testimony from him against some unnamed friends, which he refused to do. Kyrnyala briefly explained to "Nasha Niva": "We covered for each other."

Belpol databases confirm that in 2002, Dzmitry Skindzerau was convicted under Part 3 of Article 208 of the Criminal Code (extortion as part of an organized group, or with grave consequences, or on a large scale). He received five years in a penal colony with property confiscation.

"In the zone, he had the nickname 'Fatty.' He cooperated a bit (with the administration — Nasha Niva), so he got out quickly," claims another interlocutor who interacted with Skindzerau.

Skindzerau benefited from two amnesties, and in July 2004, his sentence was commuted to correctional labor. Instead of five years in a penal colony, he served less than two.

While Skindzerau was serving his sentence, Vadim Kyrnyala's fate took a sharp turn. The young man enlisted in the French Foreign Legion and was wounded during Operation Licorne in Côte d'Ivoire in 2003. This practically meant a passport for spilled blood.

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Wounded Vadim Kyrnyala. Photo from social networks

For this injury, he soon received a French passport and monetary compensation from the state. He did not return to Belarus, settled in France, and opened a security agency. Once on his feet, he began investing in Belarus.

Soon after his release, in 2006, Dzmitry Skindzerau opened an individual proprietorship. In 2007, he got married. There is no information in databases about him having higher education. Dzmitry lived and operated under his father's wing, using the same legal address as his father.

As for Leanid, while his son was imprisoned, he was engaged in small local businesses. But suddenly, an opportunity arose.

In 2007, Leanid Skindzerau became a co-shareholder of OAO "Bellenmet." The enterprise was engaged in the production of building metal structures. Leanid Skindzerau started with a 40% stake, which was later reduced to 30%.

The second co-founder is Russian citizen Nikolay Klimenko (1961). A native of the village of Viraulya, Haradok district, Vitsebsk region. And a wealthy relative of the Skindzerau family.

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Nikolay Klimenko and Skindzerau's wife Alesya (née Shnarkevich)

A military retiree, after retirement, Klimenko engaged in wholesale trade of metal fencing in Russia. The joint enterprise with Leanid Skindzerau Sr. was supposed to produce fencing. But "Bellenmet" did not take off.

From 2009-2010, the enterprise spent its time in courts, recovering debts, and soon virtually ceased operations.

At the same time, Klimenko opened a similar production facility in Russia, OOO "Zavod Lenkom." Things went well there, and the partners tried again.

At the end of 2011, OOO "Zavod BelLenKom" was opened in Vitsebsk. Essentially, it was a workshop for producing quick-installation metal fences and a sales point for products along with installation services.

Half belonged to Leanid Skindzerau, and half to Dzmitry Skindzerau's wife, Alesya Shnarkevich. Subsequently, Klimenko would repeatedly become the main investor in Alesya's businesses.

But "BelLenKom" also failed.

"I met my retirement age as a director of a company where 40 people worked, and there was a lot of construction equipment. True, due to economic crises, we had to close down. But I still don't sit idle — as an entrepreneur, I work with my equipment on orders," Leanid Skindzerau told the district newspaper about his enterprise's trajectory in 2018.

As for Skindzerau Jr., during these years he was actively trying to find himself with Klimenko's money. We can accurately trace this history of his endeavors in business databases. Skindzerau participated in a huge number of businesses, but almost everywhere — only a very little.

Павялічыць

Sponsorship of MMA competitions in Vitsebsk — which Skindzerau attributes to himself — was actually handled by former boxer Vadim Kyrnyala. The tournament pages for "All or Nothing" are full of thanks to Kyrnyala, but "the famous patron" Skindzerau is not mentioned once

For example, OOO "Kontry," which Dzmitry calls "his advertising company, second only to Minsk" — is actually Klimenko's investment in Vitsebsk advertiser Aliaksandr Artamonau. In 2008, Klimenko gave Artamonau money and received a 75% stake, while Artamonau owned 25%.

In 2013, Klimenko brought Dzmitry Skindzerau into the stake, and he became a minority shareholder with 16%. This is the first recorded instance of Dzmitry Skindzerau's participation as a shareholder in any business. But this company also did not become successful and went into liquidation.

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Cafe "Melange" in Vitsebsk

"His," according to Skindzerau, cafe "Melange" (OAO "Shakalad") in Vitsebsk was actually 40% owned by Klimenko, 10% by Alesya Shnarkevich, and the rest by a third party.

The majority shareholder of OOO "RosBelContract" (Shagal restaurant, where Skindzerau hosted Tsikhanouskaya) was actually Vadim Kyrnyala's mother. She sold this company in October 2020.

Starting in 2007, Nikolay Klimenko actively invested in Belarus, not only in Leanid Skindzerau. He also became interested in the gas station business and found a partner, Oleg Pakhomenka.

Pakhomenka was in contact with people who owned an unfinished gas station in the Smaliavichy district but lacked funds to complete it. Pakhomenka was the contractor for the construction of this gas station, and therefore had a direct interest in seeing it finished.

As a result, Pakhomenka and Klimenko became 50/50 owners of OOO "Aeros." Pakhomenka guaranteed the buyout, agreeing with the previous owner that he would pay him when the gas station was put into operation and started earning. The latter agreed. Klimenko co-financed the construction.

Concurrently, Skindzerau introduced his relative's new partner to Vadim Kyrnyala, to build — from scratch — another gas station near Brest.

Pakhomenka agreed. There was also a problematic company, OOO "Shelf," which Pakhomenka bought half-and-half with Kyrnyala.

These projects only resulted in scandal. The partners fell out just two years later, the gas station near Brest was never built, and the gas station in the Smaliavichy district was taken by Pakhomenka to cover fuel debts.

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Skindzerau owned a minority share in OAO "Shelf." But all that "Shelf" had was a plot of land near Brest, where a gas station was never built.

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Here are quotes from the documents.

"The construction [of the 'Shelf' gas station near Brest] was carried out using funds provided by Kyrnyala to Pakhomenka. The latter gave Pakhomenka $300 thousand. [...] Pakhomenka also invested money in the construction of the gas station. In total, 2 billion [undernominated] rubles were spent on its construction," — from Skindzerau's testimony during a face-to-face confrontation with Pakhomenka.

"Pakhomenka explained that approximately $200 thousand was needed for the construction of the gas station ['Aeros' in Smaliavichy district]. We agreed that I would give him the specified sum, and he would build the gas station with that money," — from Klimenko's testimony during a face-to-face confrontation with Pakhomenka.

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It is also known that during the partners' disputes, Pakhomenka spent some time in pre-trial detention. And during this period — according to Pakhomenka's wife's statement — Skindzerau extorted money from her, which he allegedly also gave to her husband.

It's now difficult to say who wanted to trick whom, or who actually tricked whom among these "beaver-friends." But another point draws attention.

In 2020, Skindzerau proactively informed GUBOP about his football team partner, who, either jokingly or seriously, suggested killing Pakhomenka to resolve the problem.

"I went to the Minsk GUBOP, said that I was offered to kill a person... 'Please, let's work this out, it will be very interesting!' They told me: 'Record it on a dictaphone.' But given that I had never done this before, I somewhat gave myself away when recording the conversation. He realized something was off and said, 'Okay, okay... let's not do it now, let's do it later.' And the person backed out," Skindzerau said on his YouTube channel.

When things didn't work out with GUBOP, Skindzerau started writing to the KGB. According to him, he addressed a long letter to Valery Vakulchyk, the then-chairman of the KGB.

And generally, these were not strangers to Skindzerau.

"In the airborne forces, as the best driver of the brigade, I was transferred to a special department — which is the KGB. Through this, I know many other decent employees," he admitted.

Павялічыць

Another supposedly large project by Dzmitry Skindzerau — the never-completed Metro Park shopping center in Vitsebsk.

In reality, behind this project, through OOO "Vitsebsk Courtyard," stood the former head of the Russian State Circus Vadim Gagloev and Vitsebsk chansonnier Ilya Smunyov. They won the auction for the reconstruction of the former House of Everyday Life in 2007.

Skindzerau's father was a contractor on this site, and he was not paid. Then the state seized the building from Gagloev, and Leanid Skindzerau entered the developer company (in 2019) as a minority shareholder hoping to finish it and recover his debt. The other two shareholders are Mikhail Martsinovich and the majority shareholder Yauhen Zhukouski.

The construction was not completed, the shopping center has not been commissioned to this day. However, Dzmitry Skindzerau was never among the shareholders.

An interesting fact, though most likely a mere coincidence: Leanid Skindzerau's partner in OOO "Vitsebsk Courtyard," Yauhen Zhukouski, is the business partner of Ruslan Piatrou, the son of Kurmanbek Bakiyev, who adopted a different surname. Together they are beneficiaries in other companies.

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And Viachaslau Yapishka (pictured right), from Tsepkala's Forum of Democratic Forces, last year offered Tsikhanouski someone's 200,000 euros. Before leaving the country, he worked as the director of the defunct company "Skyndbrestgroup," in which Dzmitry Skindzerau was a minority shareholder. The company existed for a couple of years, supplied two hat racks to the Baranavichy Social Services Center, and then went into liquidation.

Another co-owner of "Skyndbrestgroup" — Uladzimir Aziadouski — owned a car that Ruslan Piatrou, the same son of Bakiyev, sold or gifted to him. This car, in turn, came to Piatrou from the commander of a GRU intelligence unit, Colonel Uladzimir Papou, who was close to the mysteriously disappeared Anatol Kotau. The nature of Skindzerau Sr.'s connections with businessmen around Bakiyev is unknown. But Skindzerau Jr. was definitely acquainted with Yapishka even before 2020.

It is noteworthy that in 2022-2023, Zhukouski was arrested. Likely for economic reasons. He has now been released.

Павялічыць

Regarding the production of biohumus, which "has no analogues," according to Dzmitry Skindzerau, this is also an exaggeration. The company OOO "BioBelGroup" was opened in Nikolay Klimenko's native village, Viraulya, in 2016. The shareholders were 50/50 Vadim Kyrnyala's mother and Dzmitry Skindzerau. Exactly two years later, the company was transferred to other people.

Thus, Dzmitry Skindzerau is not at all the significant entrepreneur he presents himself to be.

Skindzerau also had an individual proprietorship. And by early 2020, Skindzerau was heavily in debt, owing about 400 thousand rubles (almost $180 thousand at the exchange rate at that time) solely based on recorded enforcement proceedings.

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The beginning of a long trail of debts for individual entrepreneur Dzmitry Skindzerau

Thus, by the time of the 2020 election campaign, Skindzerau approached it as a bankrupt, without stable sources of income. He lied to Tsikhanouski, telling him how well everything was flourishing for him.

What he wanted to achieve with his appearances on the "Country for Life" channel, why he pushed his way in there — that's a question.

In any case, Skindzerau himself later recorded an unusual video address for that time titled "Who is preparing a coup in Belarus." A kind of repentance.

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"Someone wanted to change the government and contacted me. I wrote a statement about this fact to the relevant structures and submitted it. I attach a photograph of what I submitted. Specifically, I was offered an armed government overthrow, to create a Maidan here, as was in Ukraine, to completely change the government in the Republic. I am not an oppositionist, I am not a politician [...]. My entire attitude towards politics is only as a voter who casts a ballot. I ask that no one approach me anymore with questions of coups, conspiracies, anything that would be against the constitutional order of the Republic of Belarus [...]", Skindzerau read on camera, attaching a photo from a police office.

Skindzerau reappeared during the election campaign when the trio visited Vitsebsk.

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Vadim Kyrnyala, Maryia Kalesnikava, Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya, Veronika Tsepkalo, and Dzmitry Skindzerau against the backdrop of a monument in the village of Arlova, July 2020

After the falsified 2020 elections, Vadim Kyrnyala from France recorded an emotional video address to Interior Minister Karaev, in which he accused him of turning MVD employees into "Bandera's executioners."

Skindzerau claims he did not participate in the protests. Nevertheless, on November 1, 2020, Dzmitry Skindzerau was entered into the "Riots" database as an "organizer and coordinator of protest actions" — possibly as a result of Pakhomenka's accusations.

The next day, November 2, a check was initiated against Dzmitry Skindzerau, according to the AIS "Passport" database, under Part 2 of Article 243 and Part 4 of Article 210 (tax evasion on a large scale, theft through abuse of official powers as part of a group or on an especially large scale).

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Protests in Belarus, August 2020. People block the path of a prison van. Photo: Nasha Niva

However, as of summer 2021, no criminal case had been initiated.

On November 28, 2020 (and not in January 2021, as he himself claims), Skindzerau, according to the "Passenger Flow" database, left Belarus for Lithuania.

In Vilnius, calling himself "Tsikhanouski's friend," he tried to join Tsikhanouskaya's team, which was just forming.

Skindzerau did not hide his identity and did not encrypt himself.

"He proactively suggested a lot of things. Mostly nonsense. He behaved disruptively. One of his initiatives, for example, was to bring in Russian Andrei Illarionov — former Putin's aide and fierce critic of Zelenskyy — to the office. Overall, he insisted that he was a successful businessman, so he should be entrusted with managing money and personnel," our interlocutor recalls.

His claims of being "Tsikhanouski's friend" quickly ceased to be believed.

"Before leaving for Lithuania, I met him once, during the election campaign in Vitsebsk, where he graciously hosted our trio. Before that, I didn't know him. He positioned himself as a good acquaintance of Tsikhanouski, and I had no opportunity to verify it, as Siarhei was already in prison. Already in Vilnius, he started coming to the office, actively wanting to participate in everything. He constantly called, tried to befriend us, invited us home, saying, 'I'm Siarhei's friend, after all'," Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya told "Nasha Niva."

"Skindzerau? In my opinion, one of many, many people who once appeared on my channel," Siarhei Tsikhanouski told "Nasha Niva."

On December 21, 2020, the Prosecutor General's Office and the Investigative Committee initiated additional criminal cases against Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya and the presidium of the Coordination Council for "calls to actions aimed at harming national security," as well as for "conspiracy to seize state power."

And three days after that, on December 24, 2020, Dzmitry Skindzerau, according to the "Passenger Flow" database, returned from Vilnius to Belarus. At the same time, there is no information that Skindzerau was detained either within the framework of the previously initiated economic check or within the Tsikhanouskaya case, around which he revolved, although his activity there was not a secret, as then-undisclosed provocateurs and agents — for example, Ilya Byagun and Artur Haiko — were also circling there.

On December 30, 2020, Skindzerau spoke at a session of the Vitsebsk City Executive Committee.

Skindzerau's public version is that he left Belarus on January 7, 2021, and on January 8, 2021, "all of Vitsebsk was already looking for him." But, according to "Passenger Flow" data, Dzmitry Skindzerau flew out on a regular Minsk-Kyiv flight on January 15, 2021.

No one remembers the date of Skindzerau's second appearance in Vilnius. But it is known that by that time, he was no longer allowed into Tsikhanouskaya's Office — even in those days of idealism and naivety, he began to arouse suspicion.

"He was going around then, begging for money for some crypto exchangers and asking to borrow money for living expenses. As I understood it, Kyrnyala was renting him an apartment in Vilnius, but I didn't understand the nature of their relationship," an interlocutor told "Nasha Niva," who didn't know that Skindzerau had greatly helped and covered for Kyrnyala in his youth.

"Nasha Niva" found dormant companies registered in Cyprus, in which Skindzerau is one of the shareholders. It was planned that crypto exchangers in Lithuania would be registered under them, but no investor for the project was found.

In parallel, Skindzerau was developing another topic — the monetization of émigré media.

At that time, there was a period when anyone producing even somewhat adequate content could find money for content creation on a wave of enthusiasm.

"Skindzerau wanted to privatize 'Radio'97,' which Max Morrison was running. Recordings took place in the house Skindzerau rented, and he also bought equipment — as it turned out later, not with his own money — and ultimately wanted the legal entity to be re-registered in his name. The team refused. Skindzerau went to court and won the case. But only in the part that the equipment worth 5 thousand euros must be returned to him," an eyewitness told us.

Then Skindzerau had a case with "Platform 375," where Azarenok debated with Balkunets. This project was declared extremist in 2025, and its host, Kiryl Pazniak, who had been in Belarus all this time, was arrested, along with his 20-year-old daughter Yanina.

If crypto exchangers are not operating, what does Skindzerau live on?

He himself says that he doesn't even need to learn languages, "he knows how and can earn money in any country, speaking Russian." In an interview with Piatrukhin, Skindzerau said he owned two companies in Poland and one company in Lithuania.

As for companies in Poland, that's simply a lie. The register in that country is open — Skindzerau has no companies there.

But in Lithuania, there is indeed a company. It is called UAB Bovaja, owned by Dzmitry Skindzerau and Mikhail Martsinovich (the same one who was in a share with Skindzerau's father in OAO "Vitsebsk Courtyard" during the construction of Metro Park).

The company was registered in the summer of 2021 and offers clients from the CIS to buy a car from Europe. Cars are offered from France. According to "Nasha Niva," this was Vadim Kyrnyala's last attempt to help his childhood friend.

But the company chronically delays tax payments, has negative capital (minus 186 thousand euros), and generated losses every year of operation — 213 thousand euros as of the end of 2024 (2025 reporting is not yet submitted). The company owes creditors 236 thousand euros, of which 111 thousand euros were due in 2025.

But it is unlikely that this happened — "Nasha Niva" sees in Lithuanian databases that two collection agencies recently showed interest in UAB Bovaja statements.

In essence, Skindzerau repeated everything that happened in Belarus, where he had large debts.

And the surge in Dzmitry Skindzerau's public activity (already with false criticism of the opposition) coincided in time with the prospect of another bankruptcy.

Last time Skindzerau fled his debts to Lithuania, but where will he go now?

It is interesting that Skindzerau communicates with the non-partisan Lithuanian MEP Petras Gražulis. On the day of the shouting at Dzyanis Kuchynski in a Vilnius cafe, Skindzerau was there with Gražulis.

On the day of the meeting of the last group of political prisoners in Vilnius, Skindzerau was again there in the company of Petras Gražulis and left with him.

Petras Gražulis recently visited the Belarusian embassy in Belgium and stated that Lithuania should initiate negotiations with Lukashenka, and the European Parliament should push Lithuania to do so.

"Nasha Niva" asked Gražulis how he met Skindzerau and what connects them now.

"I cannot remember how I met him," Gražulis replied to us. "You know, I know many, many people. Maybe he himself could say? We just discuss different things. He is very dissatisfied with Tsikhanouskaya."

Gražulis also noted that some things about Skindzerau upset him.

"I noticed one thing. Yes, he criticizes Tsikhanouskaya. But he does not criticize Lukashenka, Putin. That somehow struck me. Why are you like this? Are you afraid, or do you want the criminal cases dropped?" Gražulis wonders.

"I have nothing to do with what he is doing now," Vadim Kyrnyala told "Nasha Niva."

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