Society7272

Sofia Sapega: Protasevich incriminated me in a whole volume of a criminal case

As for the version that someone leaked information about our flight, I cannot say exactly where it came from. Therefore, I would distinguish between real facts and statements made after the incident. Personally, I don't see any convincing reasons to believe that the plane landing was organized by any of those he listed.

— Let's recall May 23 — the day of the Ryanair plane landing. How did it go for you?

— We woke up early: the flight was at 11 AM, and we still had to get to the airport by train.

And then we woke up, and Roman suddenly said: “Listen, I dreamed that you and I were landing in Minsk and something very bad was starting there.”

What exactly happened in the dream next, he no longer remembered.

Here, probably, it's worth telling a little backstory. We flew to Greece for two weeks: first to Athens, then took a ferry to Crete. Before that, we had worked a lot and for a long time, so we just wanted to relax. It so happened that Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya was also there. Her Office asked Roman to photograph their delegation, while I was busy with my own affairs: strolling, walking around the city, looking at sights. In general, I was relaxing and not thinking about anything like that at all.

At the same time, this trip was also an opportunity for us to mend our relationship. By that point, they were already starting to fall apart at the seams, and, probably, we both hoped that a change of scenery would help.

— So you flew out of Athens calmly, no suspicious people, no surveillance?

— Actually, there was something. Even when we flew from Vilnius to Athens, we were taken to the plane on a special bus. A man stood nearby. At that time, COVID restrictions were still in effect, everyone wore masks. And suddenly he recognized Roman and asked directly: “Oh, aren't you Protasevich by any chance?”

Roma immediately hesitated somewhat, it was clear he was uncomfortable. But he replied: “Well, yes.” And the man said: “I have nothing to do with protest activities, but I recognized you.” No one knew me then: I didn't appear anywhere specifically and didn't show my face publicly. After that, we calmly flew to Athens.

And then, after Crete, we returned to Athens and the next day stood in line for the flight to Vilnius. I didn't hear Russian spoken around me, and we ourselves were silent. And then, from behind, a short, completely unremarkable man in a black cap approached. He asked: “Is this the flight to Vilnius?” We turned around. I remained silent, and Roman answered: “Yes.” The man said: “Well, I see,” — and left. I never saw him again — neither on the plane nor afterwards.

— Next, you boarded the plane, flying calmly — and then it's announced that you'll have to land in Minsk. How did you react to this?

— It was already about one in the afternoon. I was wearing headphones, dozing off.

I realized that in fifteen or twenty minutes we should land, and then suddenly an announcement came over the loudspeaker that due to some threat, we needed to land in Minsk. I didn't have any violent reaction: I didn't scream, I didn't cry. But at some point, I noticed my knees trembling. Yet everything in my head was absolutely clear, I understood what was happening.

But Roman started shouting at the steward: “No, you can't, don't land the plane now, they are after us!” He panicked very badly, he literally started to have a tantrum. So, when I hear that he supposedly knew everything in advance and was a KGB agent…

— An intelligence officer.

— An intelligence officer, yes. So, it's difficult for me to believe that, based on what I saw myself. I can't get into his head and know exactly what he was thinking — and I don't want to. But at that moment, he looked like a person who was genuinely scared and completely didn't understand what to do. And these emotions, as well as what I saw throughout our relationship, absolutely didn't fit with the image of a person who knew all this in advance and controlled it. I see in him a person who had some kind of animal fear; he was afraid that he would be killed.

He immediately gave me all his gadgets. And at that moment, I don't know how, I turned on my phone and managed to make a call.

— Did you manage to warn people from the "Black Book of Belarus"?

— Yes. I called Danila Bogdanovich (one of the organizers of the "BBoB" project, in which Sofia Sapega worked) and said: “Danila, we are landing in Minsk. They will most likely arrest me.” And that was it. Well, what else could I do while in the air?

Of course, I allowed for the possibility of being detained. But I imagined it completely differently: something like a mask-show, where I would be grabbed on the street and taken away. But to land a plane and do something like that for the whole world… To the point where even HAMAS would deny involvement in what was happening… I couldn't even imagine that.

— Did Roman manage to warn anyone?

— No. It seems to me that panic simply completely shut down his ability to think rationally at all. He was very scared.

Next, after leaving the plane, some kind of staged show began: search, dogs. Naturally, nothing was found. All passengers were asked to proceed to the airport for customs control. I cannot say exactly which service the people who met us were from, but, as far as I remember, one of them was in uniform. It was he who led Roman away. And I remained standing in line. Roman and I went in different directions, as if we didn't know each other at all.

— Already then my psyche began to protect itself; I was strangely composed. We waited quite a long time for them to let us off the plane. Behind me was a group of Lithuanians discussing a photo from Twitter, where Roman was seen being taken away. I know a little Lithuanian, so I understood what they were saying and asked them to show me the picture. They showed it. The young man standing in front of me asked: “Is that your boyfriend?” I replied: “Yes.” He said: “I'm very sorry.”

The others also wished me to hang in there. And then I realized that I needed to at least try to play it safe. I wrote to my mother: “If I don't write to you in half an hour, Mom, I need a lawyer.” She immediately replied: “Sonechka, Sonechka, what's happening?” I repeated the message. By then, I already understood that everything was very bad. Not that I thought I would die now, but I felt: my life was about to change in the most unpredictable way. And I had no idea what would happen next.

As it turned out later, my parents were listening to the radio that day. It was reported there that the plane flying from Athens to Vilnius did not reach its destination and landed in Minsk.

“I saw a tall, red-haired man surrounded by GUBOPiK officers. It was Artur Gaiko”

— How did the passengers behave in general? Did they offer help?

— Absolutely calmly, everyone fastened their seatbelts and waited for the landing, as if it were normal. Then we exited the plane and entered the airport building. Customs officers began inviting women for inspection. I thought: “They're coming for me.” I stood for a couple of minutes, and then reasoned: why make people wait? Some people still had a connecting flight in Vilnius, people might miss their flights. Well, I'll be the last — so what? What difference does it make if I go first or last? In the end, I went one of the first. I had a small suitcase, about eight kilograms, no more. They checked it — found nothing.

And then two airport employees approached: “Are you Sapega Sofia Andreevna?” — “Yes.” — “Come with us.” They took my passport and passed it through all the checkpoints where documents are scanned. It turned out as if I had passed control myself. Very funny, of course. Then they led me into a small room. There I saw a tall, red-haired man surrounded by GUBOPiK officers. It was Artur Gaiko (a special services agent who had been embedded in opposition structures through the "Black Book of Belarus" — NN). And at that moment I thought: “Oh, damn!”

— How did you recognize him, had you met?

— No, never. But I recognized him by his voice. I'm generally good at distinguishing voices, and we had exchanged voice messages. At that moment, out of the corner of my eye, I noticed Roman standing to the right, facing the wall. An airport employee was checking and cataloging my belongings, while Gaiko stood over me. Then I was led to a car. And, it seems to me, perhaps Gaiko's presence played a role in why I wasn't beaten.

— Was Roman beaten?

— Not in the literal sense of the word. There's a system: they tie you with straps and twist your arms in such a way that it becomes very painful. Fists are not needed for that.

— Did he scream?

— I couldn't hear that because he was traveling with OMON officers in a minibus, while I was in a car with GUBOPiK officers. I sat in the middle in the back: a GUBOPiK officer on my left and right. In front was the driver — also a GUBOPiK officer — and Artur Gaiko.

— Did they explain to you why the plane was landed?

— They denied it in every way: saying, it wasn't us, we had nothing to do with it, we were just called and presented with the facts. Everyone complained that they were unexpectedly called in on a day off — it was a Sunday, if I'm not mistaken. But even then, I had questions.

If everyone was called in completely unexpectedly, how did they manage to gather in one car and get to the airport in twenty minutes? I don't think they lived in the same house and accidentally drove in the same direction.

— Roman Protasevich, in an interview with Marat Markov on ONT, said that Vyachorka, Rudzik, Bogdanovich, and the “Cyberpartisans” allegedly organized the plane's landing with you to supposedly prompt European countries to impose sanctions. What do you think about these statements?

— I believe this is simply an absurd version from someone who was not themselves. If you think about it, there's no logic in it: why would people who were documenting the crimes of Belarusian security forces organize a plane landing with us, putting ourselves in danger, just to achieve the imposition of sanctions? Sanctions were already being imposed in response to the actions of the Belarusian authorities, and there was no need to stage such a story for that.

As for the version that someone leaked information about our flight, I cannot say exactly where it came from. Therefore, I would distinguish between real facts and statements made after the incident. Personally, I don't see any convincing reasons to believe that the plane landing was organized by any of those he listed.

“I found something like a pebble or a piece of soap and wrote with it on the dirty green wall: ‘I will die here’”

— What happened while you were being taken to GUBOPiK?

— On the way, I wanted to smoke. At that time, I used an "IQOS" and realized that I would most likely not see my device for years to come. So I just said aloud: “I want to smoke.” They offered me a cigarette, but with a condition: “If you behave well, you'll get one.” As a result, we smoked already in the courtyard of GUBOPiK on Revaliutsyjnaya Street. Then I was led to an office where, as I understood, procedural actions were supposed to be carried out. But everything that happened next had nothing in common with law or the observance of any rights.

— Are you referring to the “repentance” video they recorded with you in front of a door?

— Not only did they write a detention report while at the police station, but also this "repentance" forced video. I horribly didn't want to do it. We recorded it twice because I kept stumbling. At first, they even wanted to hang the Belarusian red-green flag behind my back, but I refused to record anything against that background.

Then Gaiko said: “To hell with it, remove this Belarusian flag. Now there will be text, she'll say it — and that's it, we'll go.” One of the GUBOPiK officers, short in stature, simply said: “You either read the text, or we'll beat you here right now.” I had never been beaten at home, and I didn't want to be beaten in that place. As a result, I read everything they gave me. It seemed quite clear from the video itself that I was just reciting a memorized text and saying it against my will.

After that, I was taken to the Investigative Committee. There I learned that I was detained under an article on organizing mass riots, although I had no involvement in that.

Artur Gaiko, along with other officers, brought me to the Akrestsina detention center. It seems he thought I didn't understand who he was. But I recognized him and by that moment had quite clearly realized exactly how information was leaking from the BBoB.

And then it was very painful to realize that many people thought it was I who had betrayed them. That was horribly offensive. Probably one of the hardest experiences after everything that happened. I myself turned out to be a victim of betrayal, but in the eyes of some, I was a traitor who informed.

— And you didn't do that?

— No. The only one I talked about was Bogdanovich: yes, he was in the BBoB, yes, he was in Infopoint, with which Franak Viachorka was involved. I also said that Protasevich worked for Nexta. But, as far as I understand, by that point, they already had the information anyway. Roman later told me that they had all the employees, all the participants, and other involved persons. And it was difficult for me to talk about anyone else. I personally didn't know the people who sent information to the BBoB: everyone communicated under pseudonyms. There was only one person I knew personally through correspondence. He served in the police and sent photos of his then-colleagues, as well as internal correspondence from their work chat.

I never told them about him — I hoped he was luckier than me. Even before my detention, I suggested he leave, asking: “Please, if anything happens, write to us — we will get you out.” He replied: “My mother is sick. I'm not going anywhere.” Gaiko saw our correspondence. As a result, this man was also detained. Later, when I was reading the materials of my case, I saw that he still couldn't escape. He was indeed imprisoned. I don't know what happened to him and his mother in the end, and it's still hard.

— Protasevich said that his testimonies are in 200-300 criminal cases…

— Yes, he gave them from the very first day.

— And were you asked for any testimonies in other criminal cases?

— Yes, and it was one criminal case — that of former investigator Yauhen Yushkevich. Even though I had never seen him. It turned out that when they finally broke into my laptop, they found correspondence in some group where he was also present. I understood that he had many accesses to numerous important groups. And among all the known facts I could report — he was in Lithuania, doing something very important, but then suddenly went to Belarus.

I really did say then that, perhaps, he was in some chats somewhere, he had access, but he didn't work with us in the BBoB, I had never seen him, I know he has dogs and used to have a beautiful girlfriend. Not that I revealed much, and not that it was a big secret — I just said what I knew, realizing the unsuitability of this information. They asked me why he returned, I replied: “I don't know, for me, it's weak mind and courage.” I shouldn't have, it was foolish, I admit, but it was recorded verbatim in the protocol.

We met Yauhen in September 2026, when they were released. He immediately says: “Weak mind and courage?” — and smiles. I say: “Yes, yes, please forgive me.” He laughed: “Are you serious?! Although we didn't know each other personally, I told everyone in prison about you for four years, that you, a fragile girl, told the truth to the KGB, unlike Roma. You're a brave girl, I'm proud of you!”

— Let's return to the Akrestsina detention center. What happened there?

— Around ten in the evening on May 23, I was brought to the detention center. There they greeted me with the words: “Oh, our dear one has arrived!” It was terribly cold in the cell — by feeling, +8°C. I was returning from Greece, where it was +25°C, and was dressed in a thin T-shirt and a light windbreaker. The first night I slept on a mattress directly on the floor and was terribly cold.

The next day I was transferred to another cell, where there were women with withdrawal symptoms and sex workers. To warm up a little, I sat embracing one of them — she had a down jacket on. Then it seemed to me that this was my end. And not on the plane, when it became clear that we were being taken to Minsk, but specifically here, in the cell. I found something like a pebble or a piece of soap and wrote with it on the dirty green wall: “I will die here.” I had no hope of getting out. But at the same time, I felt almost nothing. From the moment of detention, I never cried once.

— How did the security forces treat you?

— Contemptuously. To them, I was not a human, not a young girl, but scum.

— Were you beaten?

— On that day — no.

— On that day? And then?

— Yes, at Akrestsina. It was morning. A man older than 45, dressed all in black: shirt, pants, tie — everything was black, entered the cell. To this day, I don't know who he was. And he called me into the corridor: “Sapega, out.” We went out. He stood there and a young man with a baton — an extended one. He told me: “Turn around.” I turned around — and a blow landed on my back. And I said nothing, made no sound; everything happened as if it wasn't happening to me, as if I were a silent observer. I didn't feel any pain either. Then they turned me back to face this man in black, and he said: “Well, you scum, now you're caught.” And I remained silent. What could I say? You, an adult man, are seriously doing this now? Are you even a man, or just a person of male sex?

— Besides this, were there any other instances where physical violence was used against you?

— No.

“He asked too many different questions, started embedding himself too deeply”

— Did the security forces treat you this way because you were one of the founders of the BBoB and were at its origins?

— Yes. Initially, there were four of us. We decided to create a channel to document the crimes of security forces. We had no intention of harming anyone, destroying anything, or damaging someone else's property. We received messages from all over the country. I remember, I became so good at it that I could recognize a person by their ears, eyes, eyebrows — by everything that was visible from under a balaclava or mask. Of course, sometimes we made mistakes. If that happened, we apologized and deleted the information.

At its peak, to the “Black Book of Belarus,” according to my feelings, no less than tens of thousands of messages were sent. And there were four of us, we were students, we had master's theses. By the way, of all of us, only I and my friend managed to defend them that year.

— At what stage did Artur Gaiko join you, who, as it turned out later, was a GUBOPiK officer?

— Danila Bogdanovich brought him in. At that moment, I was already working with information concerning the Vitebsk and Gomel regions. Some guy sent a fairly large database of law enforcement officers to the Minsk chat. That was Gaiko. After that, he was accepted into the team.

I had suspicions about him as early as 2020. I shared them with colleagues, but I wouldn't want to name names — I don't consider it right to do so without these people's consent. He asked too many different questions, completely unrelated to work. He started embedding himself too deeply. For example, he wrote in private messages that he went skiing with friends, sent photos without faces, considering that he had already seen ours long ago. Everyone had suspicions, except Bogdanovich, but we couldn't do anything without his approval.

— Were you paid for this work? It was reported in the media that Roman Protasevich allegedly stated that you received $5000 for de-anonymizing security forces.

— I worked on the project for about nine months (from September to May), but I don't know where that specific amount came from or what Roman specifically meant. I didn't receive much money. A maximum of 700-800 euros per month. Not much for Lithuania and Europe as a whole. Therefore, I always lived exclusively either on my own money or at my family's expense. For me, the BBoB was primarily an idea I wanted to pursue, not a way to earn money.

— Do you at least roughly understand how many people in Belarus have been imprisoned in the “BBoB case”?

— I can't say how many there are, but I know they exist. And one of them, by the way, is now a good friend of mine. When I saw her free, about a month ago, she said: “Hi, I'm from your case.” I was like: “Damn, here it comes.” And tears flowed. Now I often cry. But seeing my reaction, she said: “Thank you very much.” I asked: “Lord, for what?” And she replied: “For doing what you did.”

Then she said that we all understood where we were going, to whom we were writing, and what the risks were. These were very important words for me. After them, I felt lighter.

“Roman incriminated me in a whole volume of a criminal case”

— How long did you spend at Akrestsina?

— From May 23 to May 25, I was in the detention center, after which I was transferred to the KGB pre-trial detention center. Initially, I was supposed to end up at Volodarka, in Pre-Trial Detention Center No. 1. But during the interrogation at the Investigative Committee, I refused to give testimony, citing the Constitution. At the same time, I admitted that I worked in the BBoB — denying it no longer made sense. It seemed like I was about to be sent to Pre-Trial Detention Center No. 1, but at some point, a GUBOPiK officer received a call from the KGB saying: “She needs to be brought here.”

I still remember the cell in the KGB pre-trial detention center. It resembled a coffin: it widened slightly at the far end and narrowed near the door. The window was tiny, and instead of a toilet, there was a bucket. It was at the KGB that a Russian consul was first allowed to see me. It happened almost by accident. He later recounted that he had gone into a cathedral to pray, and at that moment he was informed that I had been transferred to the KGB. He thought it was very close by and decided to come. Then I perceived him as a complete stranger. I sat and thought: “Who even are you? Consul? I don't believe it.” One must understand that by then I had hardly slept for several days and was in a state of extreme stress.

The consul asked if anything needed to be conveyed to my parents. I replied: “Can you please get me out of here?” He began to clarify what exactly I needed, but I couldn't even articulate what I lacked. Hygiene products, clean clothes, socks, underwear, food, the ability to wash and shave — I had never before encountered a situation where I lacked all of this. As a result, I said: “Clothes.”

My mother gave me some old dacha clothes (laughs). They were truly awful. I thought then: “Oh dear!” But my mother also couldn't imagine that I could end up behind bars for a long time. Over time, she, of course, understood everything and began to send me so many things that when I was released from the KGB pre-trial detention center under house arrest, I was able to share some of the parcels with other prisoners. As a result, I managed to help others with something.

— How long were you there?

— A month. And while I was there, I was silent…

— Why?

— Because I wanted to.

I've been like that since childhood: if I don't like something, I just shut up and say nothing. And there was also a principle, probably learned back in kindergarten: don't betray anyone.

Gaiko tried to talk to me nicely several times. Once even alone. He brought me to the main GUBOPiK department, we sat in an office, he brewed tea and began to incline me to confess my guilt. He said something like: “Well, Sonya, confess now — and you'll get out. Someone like you shouldn't sit for twelve years. You're normal.” I was supposed to fully admit guilt, preferably go on a show like Protasevich, and assist the investigation.

Not ten minutes passed before [Mikhail] Byadunkevich (Deputy Head of GUBOPiK) entered the office. It still amazes me how a colonel with such a rank and epaulets can speak like an uneducated boor. He immediately began to threaten that he would torture me, crush me, but, of course, according to the law. So many years have passed, and I still cannot accept the absurdity of his words.

The day after this conversation, the investigator came and asked if I admitted my guilt. I refused to give testimony, citing the Constitution. I was used to not betraying anyone, and I expected the same from others. For me, everything was simple: if we are silent, then we are silent together.

— And Roman talked?

— Not even a day passed, not even a couple of hours — and he started talking. For which, naturally, he had privileges.

After being released to house arrest, I learned that they bought him shirts for appearances, he could sit not in a pre-trial detention cell, but in a separate room with a bed, they bought kebabs. The most surprising episode for me was when he said that he drank in the company of KGB officers. The impossible is possible. The carrot and stick method worked perfectly with him.

He incriminated me in a whole volume of a criminal case. I found out about this only when I was reviewing the materials. He said that I was an employee of the BBoB, he told about other employees, about our relationships with him and the team — in general, everything he saw and remembered.

— During interrogations, were you told: “Roma has already leaked everything, and you are silent”?

— Yes.

— And how did that feel to hear?

— Normal. I decided — he does whatever he wants. I am not responsible for him. If I am silent, then I am silent.

— How did the security forces manipulate you to make you talk?

— Through my parents, their well-being, Protasevich. They threatened that he would suffer and stay imprisoned almost forever. Irony of fate: of the two of us, only I had to experience a penal colony.

— Did you cross paths with Roman during interrogations or anywhere during your detention?

— We hadn't seen each other since the moment of detention until I ended up in the KGB pre-trial detention center. And what did this half-wit do at our very first meeting? He started persuading me to sign a pre-trial cooperation agreement.

It happened as follows. For the first time in a month, I was called into an office where a KGB colonel was sitting — a rather pleasant-looking man at first glance. If I remember correctly, his initials were D. Yu. At the same time, I understood that he was very cunning and intelligent. Talking to him, by the way, was much more pleasant than with GUBOPiK officers.

He asked: “Sofia, what are your three wishes?” I replied that I wanted to see my parents, get out of there, and drink coffee. There was no mention of Roman in my list of wishes at all. Then he clarified: “Do you want to see Roman?” — “Well, yes,” I replied. “Okay, let's go,” — he led me to the office opposite, where Protasevich was. — “You have 15 minutes.”

After that, he closed the door and left. Of course, the room was equipped with everything necessary for surveillance. I was only twenty-three years old, but I perfectly understood where I was, and I had almost no doubt that we were being watched.

And then Roman started persuading me. He literally unleashed a tirade on me: “Oh my God, Sofia, you won't betray anyone. You need to sign a cooperation agreement. They are abroad, and you will go to prison now, they will give you 12 years.” And then he cried. I was in shock. My first thought: “What?! He's crying?”

But it didn't end there. Roman got down on his knees in front of me. I was sitting on a chair, and he was kneeling in front of me, repeating: “Sonya, please, sign.”

— In an interview with Russian TV presenter Ksenia Sobchak, he said that he did everything to save you.

— Disgusting delusion, if only based on what actually happened next. I spent time in a penal colony, while he played computer games and got married several times. A mommy's knight, it turns out.

— What did you think at the moment when he was crying and kneeling?

— I thought: “You've been broken.” And here's the situation: I've been in solitary confinement for almost a month, rereading three books two, sometimes even three times… (Another ironic fact: the first book they brought me was Dostoevsky's novel "Crime and Punishment.") They were injecting me with glucose because at first I couldn't eat anything and was already underweight according to BMI. When you slowly start to go crazy from everything that's happening… And then this situation occurs. Roma cries: “Sonya, you're not betraying anyone, nothing will happen. You can't betray anyone, they are all sitting in Lithuania or Poland right now.”

And as a result, after sitting and thinking, I decided to sign this agreement. You see, just a few days before that, another woman was brought into my cell — Natalia Matveeva. She was involved in the AGSDA case — detachments of civilian self-defense. There wasn't a living spot on her face: she came in all purple.

— Beaten?

— Yes. And, of course, that also influenced my decision. But it's also important that at that moment I still had some feelings for Roman and I was afraid for him. I was scared that he would end up badly. I saw him standing on his knees in front of me and crying…

Now, after some time, I understand that it was a kind of emotional game. And that KGB colonel, by all accounts, read my psychological profile very well.

— Did he guess that you would worry more about someone else than yourself?

— Yes, he knew how to pressure me without overdoing it. Professional work, what can I say.

— What did the cooperation agreement you signed entail?

— Essentially, I was supposed to supposedly hand over all the information I had. Although by that point, they already had my laptop and phone (it was a MacBook, which they tried to crack for over a month and eventually succeeded). Overall, as far as I understand, there was no practical benefit from this agreement for the Belarusian side anymore. They had Artur Gaiko. And a significant part of the information I could have provided was known to him one way or another long before my detention. Whatever I said or did, much had already been recorded. One time, even the investigator told me that my confession and cooperation were merely a show.

Therefore, I perceived all of this more as part of a political farce. The case became high-profile, and Russia intervened on my behalf. Various people spoke out. There were demands to release me as a Russian citizen (however I may feel about Russia's current policies, I cannot deny that back then it played an important role and, in my opinion, helped me to be saved).

— What did you ultimately reveal?

— I pleaded guilty, told about the activities of the BBoB, who was on the team, and how and from where we received information. The information came from chatbots and media. It wasn't problematic to find it back then.

— Did this obligation not imply that you would also have to cooperate in the future?

— Excluded. And, in fact, they needed it more not because I had some super interesting information. I repeat,

it was a political move — to show that I surrendered, that I repent. They already had Artur Gaiko, who knew much more than I did.

— How long after this did you go under house arrest?

— A couple of days after signing the agreement. They were just waiting this month for me to give in and agree (it became known on June 25 that Sofia and Roman were transferred to house arrest).

KGB special unit «Alfa» officers occupied the living room, while Roman and I occupied the bedroom»

— How did your house arrest proceed?

— First, we lived in a two-story country house near Minsk. All sorts of equipment was installed around to track who was passing by and how. The KGB rented the house under the guise of IT specialists. We were taken there. Wearing sleep masks. Usually, when hostages are transported, a bag is put over their head. In this regard, they spared us a little; everyone tried to treat us more carefully, as the interest in us was already too high.

So, my mask was a children's one. I thought: “What the… How do I look?!” In this blue tinted minibus, surrounded by KGB officers — and me with a children's mask over my eyes. Surrealism.

— Were you and Protasevich together in one room?

— On the first and second floors, several officers were sitting in one of the rooms. I cannot say exactly whether it was the KGB or other units. We lived in the same room and tried to support each other.

I am sure that everything was filmed and recorded there. At the same time, the security forces addressed me absolutely politely. There was never a time when they said something like: “You, scumbag.” The only ones who spoke like that were GUBOPiK.

— How long did you spend in this country house?

— About a month. After, probably, two or three weeks, Protasevich was given a phone, and then a laptop (naturally, they were all flashed by KGB agents so that IP addresses could be tracked and so on). He had to show that he was alive and well. Because there were various rumors that his heart gave out or something else happened to his health. In addition, during house arrest, he gained access to Twitter. This was part of his cooperation agreement — to run it.

— Surely, he found this unpleasant?

— No. He surrendered immediately. Just like that, at the snap of a finger. There was a moment, related to the plane, when he was writing something in denial. I told him: “But the facts don't add up. Why are you doing this?” The only thing he replied was: “What difference does it make anymore? None.”

— Were you offered to do something similar — for example, manage social networks?

— No, of course not. They knew I wouldn't agree. I also refused interviews. For example, Yury Vaskrasenski wanted to talk to me. I said: “Sorry, I won't go.” The only thing I did was give an interview to Ksenia Lebedeva. It was forced. Naturally, I would never have gone to her of my own free will. But there it was already a question of either my well-being or not.

And, frankly, I can say that Lebedeva is an absolutely incompetent journalist. She takes interviews with a smart look, while behind my back there was a screen (teleprompter). In my opinion, if you stubbornly position yourself as an interviewer-journalist, then please ask the questions yourself, and don't read from a teleprompter. In short, it looked ridiculous.

— Where were you moved after the cottage?

— To Roman's apartment — his parents were in Poland. A few days before our move there, they took his keys and set up everything so that they could monitor us around the clock.

The apartment was a two-room one. Officers of the KGB special unit «Alfa» occupied the living room, while Roman and I occupied the bedroom. We slept in the same bed. Even then, somewhere deep inside, it evoked something disgusting.

The second part of the interview will be published by "Zerkalo" tomorrow.

Comments72

  • Лёлік з-пад Лімасола
    29.10.2026
    Блістяшчая аперацыя, апазіцыя разбурана, ўсе нязгодныя з лукой пасаджаны ці кантралююцца)))
    Насамрэч, упэўнены, што прыйшлося вельмі доўга выцмоктваць з пратасевіча тыя “сведчанні”, каб паказаць кульгаваму хоць нейкі плён, які б кампенсаваць набытую міжнародную таксічнасць рэжыму
  • А што вы хацелі
    29.10.2026
    А што хацець ад гэбоу́скай шасцёркі
  • !
    29.10.2026
    Гной здау́ ня толькі Сапегу

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