Who is Alesia Parkhomenka from Cyprus, who started the Belarusian-Belarusian war?
"Tactical slut," "career prostitute," "mustachioed abandoner," "organizer of the assassination attempt on Masherau" — these are the insults and accusations Alesia Parkhomenka throws around indiscriminately. What drives her? And from where does this "architect of sales funnels, digital marketing online" get a protective umbrella, why has no one summoned her to court yet?
Those interested in politics are accustomed to disputes. There is no politics without disputes. However, recently the Belarusian democratic movement encountered something entirely new.
Here is a woman who calls herself the head of the "Democratic Embassy of Belarus in Cyprus," writing about Pavel Sevyarynets — a man who has been imprisoned four times for his views:
Here she is accusing Franak Viachorka's grandfather of organizing the assassination of Pyotr Masherau:
The style of these posts is similar to Azarenok's. But Azarenok doesn't hide that his task is to destroy Lukashenka's opponents. Alesia Parkhomenka is a resident of the European Union and, allegedly, a participant in the anti-Lukashenka movement.
Alesia Parkhomenka speaks on behalf of Belarusians in Cyprus, meets with local officials and foreign diplomats, calling herself a representative of the "Democratic Embassy of Belarus" — she appointed herself ambassador, but her following is not only in Nicosia and Limassol — it's online, from Los Angeles to Warsaw shelters.
Who is she and what grievance does she carry on her shoulders?
Alesia Parkhomenka herself entered Belarusian public activism on the wave of 2020. She is originally from Vitebsk and has been living in Cyprus since 2018.
From "Velcom" to Cyprus
Alesia Parkhomenka is 45 years old. She is originally from Vitebsk, by education — an English and German language teacher, and for some time worked in a school. Later she moved to Velcom, the roaming department, and in 2017 she completed SEO courses at IT Academy and started working in internet marketing.
Her Belarusian biography shows no interest in Belarusian politics, no participation in the democratic movement, or any civic activism.
After moving to Cyprus, Parkhomenka mostly entered the Russian-speaking environment. Her world at that time consisted of social events, Russian-Cypriot business contacts, network marketing, and a political force on the island known as the "Russian party."
In 2020, Alesia Parkhomenka, in a foreign land, suddenly discovered Belarus. She joined the protest wave and soon began diagnosing who in the Belarusian democratic environment was a true patriot and who was a grant-sucker, traitor, and agent.
Alesia Parkhomenka moved to Cyprus in 2018.
She settled in the Paphos area with her son, born in 2004. She found a job at Dolphin Studio, where she was presented on the company's website as a frontend developer, offering clients website creation, content, and Google promotion. She also advertised tourism projects: for example, the short-term rental platform Uturista.net and the car rental website CyprusCarRent.info.
"Doctor in a pocket" with signs of a financial pyramid
In the autumn of 2019, Alesia Parkhomenka declared herself self-employed and coined an impressive title for her profession: "architect of sales funnels, digital marketing online." In this role, she seemingly joined Avicenna Digital Doctor — a product of the Russian business system DSS.
Avicenna Digital Doctor advertised itself as an international telemedicine service. Users were promised 24/7 online doctor consultations, assistance in choosing a clinic, and interpretation of X-rays using artificial intelligence. Medicine was combined with network marketing and investment promises. Packages cost from $300 to $2000, with VIP including a forex robot and a cryptocurrency trading tool.
The organizers did not explain why a person buying a doctor's consultation would simultaneously need an exchange robot.
An MLM model — multi-level network marketing — was built around Avicenna Digital Doctor. Network participants were promised earnings of up to $100,000 and a BMW as a gift.
Alesia Parkhomenka was one of the public promoters of the project: she invited people to meetings and was announced as a speaker at the Digital Smart Cyprus conference with DSS representatives.
Behind this system was ООО "Digital Smart Systems," registered in Moscow. Later, "Avicenna Group" appeared there as well.
In February 2021, the Bank of Russia included DSS in the list of organizations with signs of a financial pyramid. A few months later, the company was liquidated.
Entry into the Russian-speaking social circle
In Cyprus, Alesia Parkhomenka entered the local Russian-speaking circle. She participated in the life of the "Social Club" — a community for entertainment and business meetings for Russian-speaking residents of the island. In 2018, the club became more prominent and gathered Russian-speaking entrepreneurs, organizers, bloggers, and people with connections in local business.
For Parkhomenka, this was a useful environment. The club provided acquaintances, an audience, and access to people to whom she could offer her services.
In September 2018, Alesia Parkhomenka was already publishing photos from a Russian-Cypriot gala evening at the Presidential Palace. She thanked, among others, Aigul Mikhnevich — the founder of the "Social Club," who was then the wife of Ivan Mikhnevich — one of the co-founders of Wargaming and creators of the party of Cypriots of post-Soviet origin "I am a citizen" — for the opportunity to attend. According to Aigul, her husband helped the club financially.
The "Russian Party" of Cyprus
Politics appeared in Alesia Parkhomenka's life only after moving to Cyprus. The first force whose statements Parkhomenka began to systematically disseminate was precisely the local party "I am a citizen," or ΕΟΠ, a party of Russian-speaking businessmen, which investigators later linked to a Kremlin influence network.
The party was led by Alexey Volobuev — a Russian businessman, owner of a restaurant in Limassol, Cyprus, and founder of the Russian-language radio station Russian Wave. Belarusian Ivan Mikhnevich became the first vice-chairman. The party's charter explicitly enshrined the representation of the interests of the Russian-speaking minority in Cyprus.
In 2018, Alesia Parkhomenka actively disseminated ΕΟΠ materials, especially before the presidential elections in Cyprus. The party's rhetoric directly affected the interests of Russian-speaking businesses. Cyprus had been used for years by Russian capital for company registrations, banking operations, investments, and obtaining citizenship.
Later it turned out that ΕΟΠ's ties to Russia were deeper than the common language of its founders. OCCRP investigators examined correspondence from a network linked to the Russian parliament, which promoted Kremlin-friendly decisions in Europe. ΕΟΠ materials were also found in the letters. Even before the party's registration, its program documents were forwarded to representatives of a Russian lobbying group. One letter reported support from Russian deputies and a "blessing" from Sergey Lavrov. Later, the party leadership coordinated its program, statements, and participation in events with the Russian embassy.
The party had resources but did not achieve electoral success.
The Russian theme in Parkhomenka's feed from those times went far beyond Cypriot elections and ΕΟΠ. It features posters of Russian artists, materials about the imperial family, a portrait of Stalin with "golden words" attributed to him, a report from the Russian school in Paphos celebrating May 9, "Immortal Regiment," and a performance by the Rosgvardiya orchestra. During the World Cup, Alesia Parkhomenka supported the Russian national team, mentioned that Stanislav Cherchesov played with her father at "Spartak," and shared a call to award the "Golden Ball" to Igor Akinfeev.
How Alesia Parkhomenka discovered Belarus
In April 2020, Alesia Parkhomenka was still inviting to a meeting with the medical director of Avicenna Group. Two months later, her feed dramatically changed. Viktor Babaryka, "Voice," petitions, and election instructions appeared there. Belarusian politics, which was almost absent from Parkhomenka's page before, came with the 2020 campaign.
Photos of beaten people, stories from Akrestsina, and videos from Minsk streets enraged Parkhomenka.
"I, a religious person, have only words of hatred for the FREAKS," she wrote on August 13, 2020. Ten days later, she admitted that the word OMON used to evoke an association with "brave defender guys," but now she wanted to add a few letters to make it a swear word.
She disseminated testimonies of beatings and torture. Indignation quickly turned into curses. "I'm ready to tear you apart, may you get what you deserve, and don't ask later why your children are sick, you are subhuman," Alesia Parkhomenka addressed the security forces. In another post, she wished that their parents would find themselves in similarly inhumane conditions.
She signed a petition for Lukashenka's resignation, demanded an investigation into torture, and called on the World Bank to stop financing Belarus until those responsible were held accountable. She shared charity fundraisers for victims of repression.
In October 2020, Parkhomenka published "Tribute to the Revolution in Belarus" and confessed: "For the first time in my life, I can say that I am proud of Belarusians!"
In a few months, Alesia Parkhomenka went from a woman promoting Russian commercial projects and living in a Russocentric world to a person with a white-red-white flag as her avatar. Many Belarusians in 2020 followed the same path.
In 2020, Alesia Parkhomenka's energy was directed against Lukashenka's regime. A few years later, it was already against democratic Belarusians.
Coronavirus and "vibration of love"
Her COVID evolution was also interesting. The woman who recently advertised remote medicine published a text stating that coronavirus has a "vibration of 5.5 hertz" and dies at frequencies above 25.5 hertz. Fear was attributed 2.2 hertz, generosity — 95, compassion — 150, and "unconditional love" — 205. Therefore, to protect against the virus, it was suggested to love, smile, sing, dance, and "vibrate higher."
Later, her COVID rhetoric became openly distrustful of vaccines. She began to explain the necessity of vaccination by saying that "someone has to make money," supported a Cypriot petition against masks and regular testing of younger schoolchildren, adding: "If you don't want to put children on a needle."
Embassies and Ambassadresses
Nastassia Svirkova, a representative of the People's Embassy of Belarus in Austria, says that she met Parkhomenka through the Belarusian community in Cyprus. After Lukashenka's passport decree in 2023, which deprived Belarusians abroad of the opportunity to obtain and renew documents at consulates, local chats began to search for a solution. Nastassia proposed using the experience of "People's Embassies" and creating their representation in Cyprus.
Initially, several people showed interest, and Alesia Parkhomenka proved to be the most active.
On October 11, 2023, Parkhomenka was added to the working chats of the "People's Embassies." She was given an official email, introduced to partners, provided contacts, and connected to the common network. Thus, she received a new role and a ready set of tools: letter templates, advocacy algorithms, experience from other countries, and access to the right people in an official capacity.
"I remember when preparing the first letters, she asked: help with examples, how to write, whom to send to, whom to approach. Everything was explained to her point by point. It was essentially just a matter of translating into Greek," Nastassia says.
Leanid Marozau, a lawyer from Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya's Office, also advised Parkhomenka: he helped her understand how to draft official appeals and communicate with state and diplomatic structures.
Problems began when Alesia Parkhomenka, according to Nastassia, started to conflict.
"Why didn't you write a letter to the Minister of Cyprus? Why didn't you organize a meeting? Why haven't you solved the passport problem yet?" — these, according to Nastassia, were her complaints. Parkhomenka was explained: "People's Embassies" can provide contacts, templates, and experience, but the work in a specific country is done by the local representative.
Colleagues from the "People's Embassies" tried to resolve the conflict through conversations and mediation. As Nastassia says — "kilometers of messages." It didn't help.
Eventually, Alesia Parkhomenka removed Nastassia from the Cypriot chat for Belarusians.
Disputes multiplied. Alesia Parkhomenka first joined the international project "Voices Across Borders," but after a conflict, she left it — as a result, the Cypriot stage of the relay did not take place. A similar situation, according to Nastassia Svirkova, arose with the general fundraiser to help children of political prisoners.
As a result, on June 20, 2025, the cooperation of the "People's Embassies" with Alesia Parkhomenka was terminated. She was stripped of her representative status and her access to the network's work resources was closed.
Yulia Yukhno, People's Ambassador of Belarusians in Italy, says that the network's representation in Cyprus is currently not working: "There is no People's Embassy there. This is difficult work, and no one else in the Cypriot diaspora was willing to take it on."
According to Yulia, at the end of the cooperation, Parkhomenka tried to take contacts and working documents, as well as regain access to the email of the Cypriot representation.
Nastassia Svirkova describes the situation as follows: due to a technical oversight, Alesia Parkhomenka briefly regained access to her former workspace and copied materials she had already worked with. She did not gain access to the entire system or other national sections. Soon her account was permanently blocked. According to Yulia Yukhno, network representatives repeatedly recorded Parkhomenka's attempts to regain access to the "People's Embassy" email in Cyprus.
Soon, in place of the "People's Embassy" of Cyprus, Parkhomenka's "Democratic Embassy" appeared. It was no longer part of the international network, but the name and email address created an impression of continuity. The official domain of the "People's Embassies" is belarusabroad.org. After her departure, Parkhomenka began to use an almost identical one for her "Democratic Embassy of Belarus in Cyprus" — belarusabroad.com. A difference that a foreign official or a casual recipient might not notice: instead of .org — .com.
It is interesting that Parkhomenka counts the age of her "Democratic Embassy" from the moment she joined the "People's Embassies" — she recently celebrated the three-year anniversary of the initiative, while in fact, the period is half that.
A representative of the Belarusian diaspora in Cyprus, with whom we spoke, believes that the name is primarily needed by Alesia Parkhomenka as a status pass for meetings with officials:
"It's one thing when she comes and says: 'Hello, I'm Alesia Parkhomenka.' And quite another — when she introduces herself as a representative of the Democratic Embassy of Belarus."
On the one hand, Alesia Parkhomenka did not sit idly by. She wrote official letters and raised the issue of Belarusians with expired passports. In 2026, Cyprus indeed allowed such people to apply for and renew residence permits. She presents this as a victory for one person. Meanwhile, the issue of passports was also lobbied by Tsikhanouskaya's Office from its side.
"Parkhomenka quite often writes seemingly on behalf of the Belarusian diaspora in Cyprus. But usually, it is her personal opinion and personal attitude, presented as the position of the entire community. The format in which she has expressed herself recently, and the words she uses, are not only undiplomatic but also uncivil. This is unacceptable for a person writing on behalf of the diaspora and democratic forces," say members of the Belarusian diaspora in Cyprus.
A revealing story happened with IT entrepreneur Aleh Rashyetnikau. He has lived in Cyprus for a long time, supported Belarusian projects even before 2020, and helped the Cypriot community with technical resources. He invited Parkhomenka to administer the community. in January 2026, Alesia Parkhomenka created her own chat and began inviting members of the old community there, claiming that its security was under threat. She explained to Rashyetnikau that there were allegedly KGB agents in the old group. However, in the new chat, according to him, she called Rashyetnikau himself the problem.
"After Alesia accused me of being an FSB and KGB agent, my activity in supporting Belarusians decreased almost to zero," the entrepreneur wrote.
Belarusian Diaspora of Cyprus
A relatively small but affluent Belarusian community lives in Cyprus. The 2021 census counted 780 citizens of Belarus, by the end of 2025, citizens of Belarus already held 3256 valid residence permits in Cyprus. A significant portion of the new wave consists of IT company employees, financiers, entrepreneurs, and their families.
"One cannot say that there is some kind of Belarusian alliance here that gathers, develops a common position, and then does something," says an IT specialist living in Cyprus. According to him, people gather in private circles, and most are focused on work and business: life on the island is expensive.
Another representative of the diaspora disputes this assessment: Belarusian life in Cyprus exists. Music festivals are organized here, Belarusian songs are sung, and Belarusian dances are performed.
Almost every event collects aid for political prisoners or cultural projects.
"Such events are organized not for show on social media, but for our community. This is also a matter of security," our interlocutor explains.
Initially, Alesia Parkhomenka also participated in such cultural events. But recently, her interest in them has disappeared. She has completely switched to criticizing opposition leaders. And their relatives.
Cartier Crash and "Lida Regional Executive Committee"
Parkhomenka's method can be described by the old proverb: she hears the bell, but doesn't know where it is. Only after that, she writes to donors, embassies, and employers demanding to find and punish the bell-ringer.A vivid example is the story of the father of Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya's advisor Dzyanis Kuchynski. Parkhomenka stated that he had held a leadership position in the "Lida Regional Executive Committee" for more than ten years, worked as deputy director in housing and communal services, and received an award in 2025.
Firstly, Lida is not a regional center, so the Lida Regional Executive Committee does not exist. Secondly, "Nasha Niva"'s check showed that Hienadź Kuchynski did not work in the executive committee and was not an official. He was a mechanic, then deputy director of a communal enterprise, and later moved to the road administration. The "award" turned out to be a congratulation on his 60th birthday. So, almost nothing in this story added up: neither the place of work, nor the status, nor the award.
This was not an isolated case. In her fight against those Alesia Parkhomenka considers her opponents, she does not shy away from outright fakes. One of the latest is the story about the allegedly extremely expensive watch of the same Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya's advisor Dzyanis Kuchynski (this fake was first launched by a Telegram channel linked to GUBOPiK).
Parkhomenka posted Kuchynski's photo next to an advertisement for a Cartier Crash watch worth almost $430,000 and mockingly asked who gave him such a watch. From one picture, she concluded "what office workers can afford."
A simple check showed that on Kuchynski's wrist was not a Cartier, but a cheap watch of a similar shape, bought on Vinted for approximately 35 euros.
Even after the media reported on this fake, the information about the Cartier Crash remained on Parkhomenka's social media.
"To calm down her employees of non-traditional orientation"
Euroradio journalist Taras Tarnalitski encountered Alesia Parkhomenka after an article about aid to former political prisoners.
Parkhomenka claimed that human rights funds leave released people without support, and named specific individuals. Taras contacted these people and organizations. According to the journalist, in most cases, the real situation differed significantly from the picture painted by Parkhomenka. The results of the investigation were published by Euroradio in November 2025.
In response, Alesia Parkhomenka stated that she would appeal to donors, suggested that the media head "calm down his employees of non-traditional orientation," and in the comments resorted to undisguised homophobic abuse.
Taras Tarnalitski demanded an apology and began consulting with lawyers about a lawsuit for defamation. The case did not reach court: according to the journalist, the process in Cyprus required the exact address of the defendant, which he does not know.
Alesia Parkhomenka believes in letters to donors. When "Radio Racyja" published Andrei Stryzhak's comment, she posted a ready-made English text and the addresses of the US and Dutch embassies, calling on people to write letters there and demand an investigation into the editorial board for giving a platform to an unworthy person.
Grants received by others
Despite all her crusades against "grant-suckers," Alesia Parkhomenka herself tried to obtain grant funding.
In March 2024, she complained that the Belarusian Council for Culture had rejected her application. Later, she spoke about a failure in a competition related to architecture and explained the refusal by alleged "gender quotas."
Parkhomenka's worldview is full of conspiracy theories. In it, "office workers" live their luxurious lives and deceive ordinary Belarusians, only "their own" receive grants, "pocket" journalists lie for money, and donors don't know whom they are financing. Everyone must be exposed and punished.
(In the initial version of the published text, a story about another activist, which Parkhomenka published on her account, was mistakenly included. This part has now been removed from the text. — NN)
From "thank you for the partnership" to "two faces of one monster"
In Alesia Parkhomenka's political world, there are no half-tones. People in it either join her on a crusade — and then become "the best," "professional," and "wonderful" (Siarhei Tsikhanouski sharply became such when he began criticizing his own wife and independent media) — or they object, refuse to share her views. Then yesterday's partners instantly turn into "grant-eaters" and part of the "office system."
This is most clearly seen in the story of Valery Kavaleuski and the Euro-Atlantic Cooperation Agency. In 2025, Alesia Parkhomenka publicly built her own status on this partnership. In August, she wrote that cooperation with the Agency "opens up new opportunities for international interaction and exchange of experience." Kavaleuski, in response, called her work in Cyprus an example of independent problem-solving and hoped for "joint fruitful actions."
In September, Parkhomenka thanked the Agency and personally Kavaleuski for expert assistance in preparing for an international forum. In October, marking the second anniversary of her "Democratic Embassy," she again named him among the people who "support and remain close."
On December 31, 2025, she summarized:
"Euro-Atlantic Affairs Agency — this year a partnership happened. Thank you for the support, and to Valery Kavaleuski — for consultations on diplomatic issues, of which there were a huge number. It was productive."
Less than a year passed, and the "productive partnership" turned into a conspiracy. Already in 2026, Parkhomenka wrote exclusively about the money and turnovers of Kavaleuski's funds and the Agency employee Aliaksandr Piankouski. From the very fact of their having funds for their activities, she drew an unsubstantiated conclusion that these structures allegedly receive grants controlled by Tsikhanouskaya's Office, deceive Belarusians, and act as a "pocket opposition."
"Two faces of one monster," Parkhomenka branded those she had praised as partners yesterday.
Burn in hell
This scheme manifested particularly harshly in the story of a former Belarusian political prisoner.
Alesia Parkhomenka claimed that during her imprisonment, she helped her and her family, participated in collecting and sending parcels. However, this assistance later turned into a kind of debt, which, in Parkhomenka's opinion, was not properly repaid to her.
When the former political prisoner turned out to be "not like that" after her release, Parkhomenka called her a "scoundrel" and wished her to "burn in hell." Following this, even more serious accusations appeared: Parkhomenka claimed that the woman allegedly informed on other prisoners, and presented the conditions of her detention as evidence of special relations with the prison administration.
When one of the discussion participants asked if it was normal to insult a person who had spent years behind bars in this way, Parkhomenka replied that prisons contain "not always decent people." And then she again reminded them of her own help, which she now regrets.
And this is not an isolated breakdown in a personal conflict. Parkhomenka addresses the wish to "burn in hell" to various people. Those who try to contradict her, Parkhomenka disqualifies with insults like: "lack of brains," "really stupid," "tactical slut," "career prostitute."
To Alina Koushyl she wished to "burn in hell," accused her of destroying "Belsat," and went into family history — mentioning her grandfather, whom she called an NKVD officer.
About Franak Viachorka, she spread the fake that he was a hereditary KGB officer because his grandfather participated in the murder of Masherau.
Even an attempt to discuss the security of an educational project for Belarusian women ended with insults directed at her interlocutor and an assertion about her alleged ties to the KGB.
In autumn 2026, Parkhomenka found an ally in the war against the Office and independent media — Siarhei Tsikhanouski. They publicly discuss joint attacks on independent Belarusian structures. Parkhomenka offers addresses, reports on already sent letters, and calls to "pressure together."
Alesia Parkhomenka's list of enemies is constantly growing. And her activity on social media has become almost round-the-clock: posts, comments, screenshots.
And to court, as we understand, no one has summoned her yet for one simple reason: the people she has offended do not yet know her address, do not know where to file a lawsuit, and do not have enough money to hire a strong lawyer who would take on this task himself.
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Comments
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На Кіпры ж да таго вельмі сумна. Усе жывуць маленечкімі працоўна-этнічнымі тусоўкамі 24/7. Усе гэтыя сакратарскія кампаніі, фэмілі офісы, бэтынгавыя і маркетынгавыя памыйкі співаюцца на вачах. Бррр.
А Матольку ў табло прапісаць жадаючых тысячы.