Who is Volha Karach, who wants to unseat Tsikhanouskaya?

Volha Karach. Photo by "Nash Dom".

While preparing the article, we spoke with many of Volha's acquaintances. Some encountered her in Vitsebsk, others through work at "Nash Dom", and a third group met her only recently. All agree that she is quite an unusual person. Only her goals remain unclear — how constructive they are and whether they carry a genuine desire for change.

"The Seventh Facet"

Volha Karach was born in 1979 in Vitsebsk into a working-class family. She always prided herself on this part of her biography, much like she did on listening to Russian chanson. She graduated from school with a gold medal and from Vitsebsk Pedagogical University with a red diploma. By education, she is a teacher of Russian language and literature.

Karach dyed her hair blonde to break stereotypes about them. Photo by "Nash Dom".

She once dreamed of becoming a writer, wanting to write an ironic detective story about the opposition struggle. Small stories and poems were published. While still a student, she founded the literary organization "The Seventh Facet".

In fact, at that time, in the late 90s, there were two centers of active youth life in Vitsebsk — "The Seventh Facet" and the Center for Youth Initiatives "Kontur", led by Yuras Korban. Relations between Karach and Korban were not very good. Yuras always held Belarusian patriotic positions, while Russian-speaking youth gathered around Karach.

Yuras Korban mysteriously disappeared in the early 2000s, and there is still no certainty about his fate. Karach's "Seventh Facet" effectively grew into the Vitsebsk branch of "Zubr," which she also led.

Became a City Council Deputy at 25

Unlike most "zubrs," who focused exclusively on street activism, Volha saw herself as a politician. In 2004, she won elections to the Vitsebsk City Council. Her opponents were the chief doctor of a polyclinic and the head of a housing utility service (ZHEC), but Karach, then a 25-year-old teacher, won.

Karach said that her work in the city council taught her to look at many things differently. For instance, that not everything always depends on officials when you have to work with an empty budget.

In letters to her, requests to "shoot" one person or another were often written. "At first, they didn't take me very seriously: just some girl of size 40, I can't simply force them to listen to me by sheer mass. But after I spoke out a few times, they started to respect me."

Husband, Children

Volha Karach has been married for almost 20 years to Vitsebsk journalist Aleh Barshcheuski, nephew of the renowned translator Liavon Barshcheuski. They once worked together on a literary magazine and later married. Interestingly, the best man at their wedding was Pavel Seviarynets, Aleh's childhood friend.

Volha Karach and Aleh Barshcheuski with their firstborn Sviataslau.

The couple has two children — Sviataslau and Maryia.

Volha's parents primarily handle the upbringing of the children. Karach herself admitted that she doesn't know how to cook, but her mother is a chef with 35 years of experience.

Volha suffers from Bechterew's disease (a severe spinal condition), and she herself said there was a period when she could barely walk. "I lost hope, I just lay there and wanted nothing. And then my husband came up to me and said: 'Volha, you have the worst character of anyone I know. And I don't believe that with such a character you'll be able to simply give up and accept it.'"

Life in Vilnius

Karach has been living in Vilnius for almost a decade. For a long time, she did not visit Belarus at all, explaining it as a matter of security after policeman Dzinas Linkus threatened her with physical violence and assault at the Frunzensky District Department of Internal Affairs in Minsk. This story caused a great resonance at the time.

Initially, her office in Vilnius was located in a small room near a bus depot on Navahrudskaya Street. Those who came to Volha on business would stay overnight right there, in a dormitory for drivers. They say it was quite a specific place.

Later, Karach rented a large cottage on Kamiali Street for her office and residence. She explained the need for such a large space by saying that the cottage was used as a hotel for her supporters. People slept there on inflatable mattresses.

Over time, the entire Karach and Barshcheuski family, including Volha's parents, moved to the Lithuanian capital. The family now owns property in the Lithuanian capital.

"Nash Dom" (Our Home)

Karach's main area of activity became the "Nash Dom" (Our Home) initiative, which focused on local projects: public transport, polyclinics, building entrances, parking lots. The organization's assets included pensioners like Valery Shchukin and Stalinist Mikalai Petrushenka, as well as youth from the United Civil Party (AHP) and other organizations. For example, Aleh Korban, the current head of "Alternatyva" and a political prisoner, passed through close contacts with Karach.

"They could initiate signature collection for cemetery cleanup, for which she paid 200 dollars a month," says a former "Nash Dom" activist.

Another member of the campaign says that the money was quite good, even higher than the average in the provinces. Payments were also quite stable, with delays rarely exceeding two months.

"It wasn't exactly easy to work. We would meet in Minsk about once a month. And Volha constantly criticized old work approaches but couldn't explain exactly how one should work. She was constantly dissatisfied with the format," her old acquaintances recount.

"Her favorite phrase was that 'political money is very easy, but third-sector money is hard.' Volha told a strange story about how for some project near Vitsebsk, she gathered more than a thousand women for a women's fishing trip. Seriously?! Of course, no one ever heard about it."

Everyone says that Karach is very meticulous about accountability. "If she gave you money and there was one litas short to give her back, you would then run all over Vilnius to exchange it and return it." "If you went on a business trip to any city, receipts were needed even for a bottle of water you bought."

Karach and Belarusian-speakers

Volha always had a less-than-ideal relationship with the Belarusian language, although she knows it and is even sometimes capable of giving interviews in it. Karach once stated, almost in the style of Alexander Lukashenka, that the Belarusian language is "underdeveloped" because it lacks words like "toilet" and "riser," for example.

As a result, Karach decided that "rudeness is a distinctive trait of Belarusian-speakers, who have no arguments, only insults and profanity." Moreover, Karach concluded that among Lukashenka's supporters, there were more Belarusian-speakers proportionally than among other population groups.

Karach later recounted a story about how Vasiliy Shalukhin, the former head of the Vitsebsk BPF (Belarusian Popular Front), promised to carve a cross on an elderly woman's forehead if he came to power. This story, of course, was not confirmed.

Karach and Russia

Volha Karach never hid her pro-Russian views. For example, she refused to run in the 2015 elections because the candidate from "Nash Dom" was not supported by Moscow. Karach believes that liberation from Lukashenka can only come from the East. However, it should be noted that she never crossed the line on issues of the country's independence.

At the same time, Karach actively cooperated with the most marginal and radical Russian media outlets, including "Regnum." Other Belarusian politicians find it abhorrent to do so, but for Volha, it was completely natural. When "Regnum" authors found themselves behind bars in Belarus, Karach was the only one in the opposition circles who called these people political prisoners.

For a long time, the fraudster-journalist Dzianis Launikievich hovered around Volha Karach, even coining the term "Princess Volha" for her. Launikievich took comments from Karach in almost every one of his articles for Russian media, and the same publications featured fake experts invented by the journalist.

Dzianis Launikievich and Volha Karach.

YouTube

In March 2020, Karach officially admitted that she had moved to Vilnius permanently. During the elections, she did not make her presence felt at all, being an unnoticed figure on the list of former politicians who once held promise.

However, the situation rapidly began to change in the post-election period, especially in recent months. Volha is pulling the blanket over herself, ready to become the new opposition leader instead of Tsikhanouskaya.

In the autumn, a considerable amount of money was invested into Karach's YouTube channel, and she began her own promotion. She conducts streams where she speaks simply about events in the country, and also interviews guests.

It's worth noting that Karach truly possesses talent and charisma. She effectively resonates with the audience of people "over 40," especially those living in the regions. In fact, Siarhei Tsikhanouski targeted this very demographic just a year ago. Karach speaks sharply, metaphorically, and uses strong, memorable expressions. For example, she introduced the terms "blue-fingered" and "the former one" in reference to Lukashenka. Other politicians should learn to speak such simple language.

Karach's videos usually gather over 100,000 views. In the comments, as a rule, people only agree with her. The fact is that many have already noticed: Karach does not shy away from using the Russian troll factory in her work. Many such trolls don't try too hard to hide, writing "Belorussiya" directly.

Natallya Kaliagava

Karach has a long-standing friendship with Lithuanian businesswoman of Belarusian origin, Natallya Kaliagava. This is the very woman who came under the scrutiny of Lithuanian law enforcement for allegedly fraudulent schemes in the placement of Belarusian migrants in Lithuania.

It was from Kaliagava's side that a large amount of criticism was directed towards Tsikhanouskaya's headquarters and the BYSOL fund since autumn. Knowledgeable people say that Kaliagava built her reputation on dubious schemes for issuing residence permits to Belarusian citizens in Lithuania through numerous pseudo-entrepreneurial structures she registered. Her second source of income was renting out housing.

Kaliagava immediately took offense at the new political entities that found refuge in Vilnius. "The fact is, this effectively put an end to her business." After that, she did not miss an opportunity to attack Tsikhanouskaya and her staff directly or indirectly, undermining trust in this structure in every possible way.

It is said that there was a situation where Kaliagava offered to legalize money intended for the repressed through her structures. She wanted to receive 10% for this. Naturally, they refused to cooperate with her. To some people (not all) whom Kaliagava helped move to Lithuania, she suggested applying for financial aid from BYSOL, and then paying rent directly to her.

After Kaliagava came into the focus of investigation by Lithuanian law enforcement and journalists, she toned down her activities, and her friend Karach came to the forefront.

Karach and Tsikhanouskaya

It's noteworthy that everyone, from Latushka to Prakopyeu and others, visited Tsikhanouskaya's headquarters initially for acquaintance and establishing cooperation, but Karach never did, even though she is also in Vilnius.

Karach began using aggressive rhetoric this January. She attacked Tsikhanouskaya's advisor Franak Viacorka for not being invited to the meeting of opposition leaders in Trakai on January 25-26. This issue allegedly "doesn't let Karach live."

"I call her activity the 'shawarma tactic.' Just as an experienced shawarma maker slices off pieces of meat, Karach deliberately tries to sow discord bit by bit, to discredit someone, sometimes allegorically, sometimes directly," says the "NN" interlocutor.

Karach does not directly attack Tsikhanouskaya — as she holds too much authority and enjoys the trust of Belarusian society — but she relentlessly assails the opposition leader's entourage. Franak Viacorka particularly bears the brunt of her criticism for his work. In essence, Karach continually suggests that his team is incapable, while she herself could demonstrate how things should be done.

As for Tsikhanouskaya herself, Volha instills in the minds of her supporters the idea that Sviatlana resolves nothing, that politics is not her business, effectively repeating the mantras of Lukashenka's propaganda.

Karach and Stryzhak

Volha has a particularly significant conflict with the BYSOL structure. Karach never misses an opportunity to criticize this structure, although sometimes it takes on an anecdotal character. For instance, she tells her supporters that the head of BYSOL, Andrei Stryzhak, did everything possible to prevent Mikhail Zhyzneuski from posthumously receiving the title of Hero of Ukraine. Although everything was exactly the opposite.

Every opportunity is used to compromise BYSOL's activities. Recently, there was a case where former BMZ worker Aleh Shaniuk was denied assistance because he was not a subject of a criminal case, but presented himself as such. Now Shaniuk's grievances are being widely published by Karach and her supporters.

Karach also has an interesting connection to the work of the Telegram channel "Anoshka's Headquarters," which attacked Stryzhak and the company. It was at Kaliagava's place that the former journalist of "Sovetskaya Belorussiya" and Stryzhak's secretary, Sviatlana Haluza, found refuge, who tried to expose compromising information on BYSOL, but it amounted to nothing.

Goals and Means

"Her goal is obvious — to push Sviatlana aside and become the sole leader," say sources for "Nasha Niva." Karach is ready to build a coalition with everyone who talks to her, and those who don't, like Tsikhanouskaya, will be systematically discredited.

On March 8, a stream with opposition leaders was announced on Volha Karach's YouTube channel, featuring Veranika Tsapkala, Pavel Latushka, Ihar Makar, and Vadzim Prakopyeu.

"The stream did not go as planned at all. Really, they weren't gathering just to congratulate girls on the holiday. But first, Tsapkala dropped out, Latushka said something incoherent, and it seemed as if the script was changing right during the broadcast. Tsikhanouskaya was not invited to participate, and she was in Switzerland at the time. It seems that such streams involving other well-known figures will continue. And during them, they might announce the creation of a new coalition, implying that everyone who wanted to unite has, and those who didn't — we don't need them," says a knowledgeable source.

Despite her popularity on YouTube, Karach's ratings still remain not very high — this is clearly visible in polls on independent Telegram channels. Nevertheless, Karach specifically hopes to become the leader of a new coalition.

What is this: a political adventure or a conscious game to destroy unity and dismantle authorities? "It seems she's only interested in one thing: concentrating all funding sources on herself," says one interlocutor. "Most likely, she's an adventurist. And if it's a deeper game, we still won't find out," adds another person.

Read also: "Parasites from Tsikhanouskaya's entourage had to be removed." Byahun stated that Karach finances a channel with compromising material on Stryzhak and Viacorka

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